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] Christians so common, are not the symptoms of that kingdom. But for men on this principle to betitle themselves, that they are the only men to rule kingdoms, govern nations, and give laws to people, and determine of property and liberty, and everything else, upon such a pretension as this is, truly they had need to give clear manifestations of God's presence with them, before wise men will receive or submit to their conclusions." Still he recommended tenderness towards them, and that if their extravagancies necessitated punishment, it should "evidence love, and not hatred."

He next referred to the treaties with foreign nations, amongst which, he said, that with Portugal had obtained "a thing which never before was since the inquisition was set up there; that our people who trade thither have liberty of conscience—liberty to worship God in chapels of their own."

He finally inculcated on them the necessity for maintaining as much peace as possible, not only that they might restore the internal condition of the nation, and reduce the excessive taxation occasioned by the war on land and sea, but also to prevent foreign nations depriving us of our manufacturing status, as they had been busily doing during our internal dissensions.

To one of his assertions we are bound to demur. "One thing more this government hath done—it had been instrumental to call a free parliament, which, blessed be God, we see here this day. I say a free parliament, and that it may continue so, I hope is in the heart and spirit of every good man in England, save such discontented persons as I have formerly mentioned. It is that which, as I have desired above my life, so I shall desire to keep it above my life."

The truth was, that it was as free, and much freer a parliament than the circumstances of the times would admit, as was soon seen. A free parliament would have brought back royalty in the state, or presbyterian absolutism in religion. Republicanism and independency, though in the ascendant through the genius of Cromwell and the power of the army, was in a minority. Republicanism even was divided against itself, divided into moderate republicanism and levelling, fifth-monarchy and sans culottism in alliance. In this so-called free parliament, episcopalians and catholics were excluded; this so-called free parliament had been carefully watched during the elections, the lists of the returned sent up to the council, and such as were deemed too dangerous were disallowed, amongst others lord Grey of Groby. But even then it was found too free, and the very first thing that it set about, was to call in question the government which had authorised it.

There was a stiff contest for the speaker, but Lenthall was chosen instead of Bradshaw, who was also put in nomination, because Lenthall had been speaker of the Long Parliament, and its old members had still hope of restoring it. Amongst the members were old Sir Francis Rouse, lord Herbert, the son of the earl of Worcester, Fleetwood, Lambert, the Claypoles, one of whom had married a daughter of the protector's, Cromwell's two sons, his friends the Dunches, Sir Ashley Cooper, and lord Fairfax. Amongst the republicans there were Bradshaw, Haselrig, Scott, Wallop, and Wildman, old Sir Harry Vane, but not the younger; and amongst the Irish members lord Broghill, who had fought so stoutly against Charles, and commissary general Reynolds. No sooner did they begin business than they opened a debate on the question of sanctioning the present form of government, a question from which they were precluded by the very instrument which had made them a parliament. The debate was carried on with great heart for no less than eight days, during which Bradshaw, Scott, Haselrig, and other republicans contended that the members of the Long Parliament had been illegally deprived of their right, and that the government in one person and a parliament was but another form of tyranny One speaker declared that he had fought to put down one tyrant, and was ready to fight to put down another. What right but the sword, it was asked, had one man to put down a legal parliament, to command his commanders? They moved to go into committee on the subject, and carried it.

Cromwell was not the man to suffer this. He sent to the lord mayor, and ordered him to take measures to preserve the peace of the city, marched three regiments into it, and then summoned Lenthall, and bade him meet him in the Painted Chamber, on Tuesday, the 12th of September, with the commons. Harrison, who was zealously getting up petitions for the support of the inquiry into the constitution, was clapped in the Tower. When Cromwell met the commons, he expressed his surprise that a set of men from whom so much healing management had been expected, should immediately attempt to overturn the government which called them together. That the instrument consisted of incidentals and fundamentals. The incidentals they were at liberty to discuss, but the fundamentals, of which the article that the power resided in one person and a parliament was one, were out of their range. He very zealously asserted that he had been called to the head of the nation by God and the people, and that none but God and the people should take his office from him. That his own wish had been to lead the life of a country gentleman, but necessity had forced him thence, and three several times he had found himself placed by the course of events at the head of the army, and by them at the head of the government. As to the dismissal of the Long Parliament, he had been compelled to that by its endeavouring to perpetuate itself, and by its tyranny and corruption. "That poor men, under its arbitrary power, were driven like flocks of sheep, by forty on a morning, to the confiscation of goods and estates, without any man being able to give a reason why two of them hart deserved to forfeit a shilling." That he had twice resigned the arbitrary power left in his hands, and having established a government capable of saving the nation, he would sooner he rotting in his grave and buried with infamy than suffer it to be broken up. That they had now peace at home and abroad, and it would be a miserable answer to give to the people, "Oh, we quarrelled for the liberty of England; we contested and went to confusion for that."

To prevent any such evil consequences, he informed them that he had caused a stop to be put to their entrance into the parliament house; he did not turn them out this time, he shut them out—and that none would be readmitted that did not first sign an engagement to be true and faithful to the protector and commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, not to propose or consent to alter the government as settled in a single person and parliament.