Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 1.djvu/96

82 William, consulting only his courage and ambition, overlooked all the difficulties inseparable from an attack on a great kingdom by such inferior force as his duchy could supply, and saw only the circumstances which would facilitate his enterprise. He considered that England, ever since the accession of Canute, had enjoyed profound tranquillity, during a period of nearly fifty years; and it would require time for its soldiers, enervated by long peace, to learn discipline, and its generals experience. He knew that it was entirely unprovided with fortified towns, by which his rival could prolong the war; but must venture its whole fortune in one decisive action against a veteran enemy, which, being once master of the field, would be in a condition to overrun the kingdom. He saw that Harold, though he had given proofs of vigour and bravery, had newly mounted a throne which he had acquired by faction, from which he had excluded a very ancient royal family, and which was likely to totter under him by its own instability, much more if shaken by any violent external impulse; and he hoped that the very circumstance of his crossing the sea, quitting his own country, and leaving himself no hopes of retreat, as it would astonish the enemy by the boldness of the enterprise, would impel his own soldiers, by a feeling of desperation, to unheard-of feats of arms.

The Normans had long been distinguished for courage amongst all European nations. Besides the noble territory they had acquired in France, they had lately added to their possessions by remarkable successes in a distant part of Europe. A few Norman adventurers in Italy had vanquished, not only the Italians and Greeks, but the Germans and Saracens, and laid the foundation of the two kingdoms of Naples and Sicily.

The success of these men, most of them his vassals, increased the pride of William, who felt anxious to emulate their glory.

The enterprise was a gigantic one, and could not be undertaken without an immense outlay, far exceeding William's means. Before convoking the assembly of his states, he held a secret council with his immediate friends, amongst whom were Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, and the Count de Mortain, his two half-brothers; with them were the son of Osbert, Seneschal of Normandy, Robert, Count d'Eu, Roger de Montgomery, Gautief Guiffort, Count de Longueville, and Roger de Vielles, Lord of Bellemont, who all promised to risk their lives and fortunes to assist him in his enterprise.

He was far from finding, however, the same disposition in the general assembly of the states; many of the members of which, instead of voting the subsidies required, complained of the enormous imposts already levied. The deputies whom the states nominated to bear their answer to their sovereign, instanced that although they were his subjects, they were not bound to assist him in obtaining possession of the kingdom of a foreign prince who had inflicted no injury upon Normandy. They knew the character of William, and foresaw, if once they yielded to his demands, and followed him beyond sea, a precedent would be drawn for the future.

The duke dissimulated his anger and mortification, and had recourse to an expedient which proved his tact to have been equal to his courage. He sent for the principal members of the states individually, was prodigal of promises, and gradually won them over, none singly venturing on an opposition which they had not hesitated to offer collectively.

Neither did he neglect other means. He well knew the superstitious of the age would consider the oath which Harold had taken on the relics as doubly sacred. Had it been simply on the Gospels, the breach of it might have been thought less of. He carried his cause to Rome, where the celebrated Lanfranc, who afterwards became Archbishop of Canterbury, and Robert of Jumiège, whom Harold's father, Earl Goodwin, had caused to be expelled from the primacy in England, pleaded his cause effectually, and ably sustained his pretensions in a consistory held at the Lateran, where it was finally decided that William of Normandy, being related to the late King Edward, and long reputed his heir, might with justice assume the title of King of England, and invade the kingdom.

Here it may not be amiss to notice the influences which led to this decision. The Court of Rome, ever zealous of its authority, had witnessed with dissatisfaction the expulsion of the Norman archbishop from the see of Canterbury by the secular authority, and the elevation of Stigand in his place. The refusal of Harold to pay the tax known as Peter's pence, and the violation of his oath, were in the eyes of the consistory heinous crimes. The Saxon king had, moreover, shown great disrespect in not submitting his cause to their decision, as his rival had the prudence to do.

But the most powerful enemy of Harold in the councils of Pope Alexander II., in whose pontificate this celebrated cause was pleaded, was the celebrated monk Hildebrand, who afterwards, as Gregory VII., carried the Papal power to such a height. He maintained that the Pontiff alone had the right to decide the question, and pronounce on all disputes touching the inheritance of the kingdoms of the world—a doctrine too palatable to be rejected, enforced as it was by all the fiery eloquence and influence of an enthusiast.

The solemn decision of Alexander II. was transmitted to the Duke of Normandy in the form of a bull. The holy father, at the same time, sent him, in token of his paternal regard, a hair of St. Peter in a rich ring, and a banner, with the figure of the apostle, which was to guarantee him against defeat.

On receiving these welcome gifts, William at once proclaimed his appeal to arms, and promised to all who would join him a share in the spoils of the kingdom he had undertaken to conquer. French, Britons, Burgundians, and adventurers from almost every country in Europe flocked to his standard, allured by these tempting offers. Some had the modesty to demand a city, others a castle, as the price of their arms; and the duke appears to have been as extravagant in his promises as his new allies were in their expectations.

From all parts he gathered the immense material necessary for his enterprise, and assembled a great number of workmen to construct the vessels destined to carry himself and his army over. Nothing was neglected which might contribute to his conquest; and, in order to secure his dominions during his absence, he so far subdued his pride as to remember the homage which he owed to the King of France, Philip I., and solicit aid, promising that if he succeeded in his enterprise against England, he would hold it as a fief of the crown of France.