Page:Carl Schurz- 1900-04-01 Potter Correspondence.pdf/4

 definitely that I shall accept no nomination under him). Who shall be that man? And suppose we find one, where is the place for that man? There is, I think, no German in the state suited for the position of lieutenant governor. They might think of the treasury, but can they discard Hastings? There is no German Republican, as far as I know, who would be fit for att t orney general. Where, then, find the man, and if the man can be found, where the place for that man? There Randall's friends are at deadlock and they know it. I think that this matter if calmly explained in an informal meeting of the delegates before the opening of the convention might decide the contest. I should not wonder if this very difficulty should induce R. to deoline.

At all events, I should be very glad to have you go to the convention as a delegate. If consistent, let me know what I may expect of Doolittle and Washburne. Doolittle’s influence would be very valuable. I do not like the idea of writing to him myself. Randall’s friends boast of being sure of the whole delegation from Walworth. Is that so?

When shall I have the pleasure of seeing you here? Truly yours,

Racine, Sept. 10, 1859—Dear Judge: I hoped to meet you at Milwaukee, but did not. I am going to try and raise $100 in Kenosha and $100 in Racine towards the amount, $750, for which out friend, Mr. Schurz is liable as endorser for the German Republican papers. I said to one friend that I thought Mr. Durkee would pay $50, Washburn $50, you $50, and I $50, making $200 of the amount. Now whatever course thé German Republicans may pursue in this election makes no difference to me and should make no difference with our friends in this matter. But now is the time for the true and wise friends of Col. Schurz to take care of him, and not allow him to be sacrificed. He is a man of noble impulses, and of the highest order of genius. But like men of that character he needs some men of strong practical good sense to act for him at this juncture, which is perhaps the crisis of his life as well as the crisis in our Republican battle so far as Wisconsin is concerned. The people, if the German Republicans should as some anticipate, bolt Randall, will place these two facts in juxtaposition, and no explanations will ever separate them. The German Republicans urged Mr. Schurz's nomination for governor. The convention by a large majority nominated Randall for governor and unanimously tendered any other office on the ticket to Mr. Schurz, which he declined. The German Republicans bolted the nomination of Randall, and the inference whether right or wrong will be irreparably drawn in the popular mind that the Germans bolted because a German was not nominated for governor. It will not remove the inference to say they would accept Hanchett or somebody else. Nothing could do so much to rekindle into a flame all the elements of American Know-Nothingism among our people, and Mr. Schurz, our most eloquent and gifted orator, would be crushed between the upper and nether millstone, between German Know-Nothingism and American Know-Nothingism and our Republican party at once divided by the element which I had hoped was forever laid aside. Dear judge, will you see that among our good Republican friends in your neighborhood raise say $100 towards paying off his liability by endorsement. Please remember us kindly to Mrs. P. I remain ever devotedly yours,

If you do not come and see me, write me.

Columbus, O., March 17, 1860.—Hon. John F. Potter. My Dear Friend: I have just taken a survey of the state of Indiana; a hard state, but I think we can carry it if proper exertions are used. There is a strong Filmore element there, which is now just what it was in 1856, and I am assured by reliable men, that it will be exceedingly difficult to unite that element with the Republican party. The Bates movement is dead in that state: it has worked only mischief and nothing else. All true Republicans seem to have turned their backs from it, From what I have seen there I am led to believe that we can turn about 10,000 German votes that were formerly Democratic,—perhaps a great many more. That, it seems to me, is the only way to carry the state. There is a very strong demand there for the German translation of my Springfield speech; the Indiana members ought to send a good supply to the southern districts of their state. I have tried to establish a system of correspondence all over the state, and I think that after tho national convention we shall get the machine in good working order. Please let me know what the feeling in regard to the presidential candidates is in congressional circles. Seward seems to be gaining everywhere. It will require much hard work to carry Indiana and Illinois for him, but still I think it can be done.

I expect to be at Milwaukee by the 21st. Our judicial election is rather mixed up. I see by the papers that Dixon is running, and I should not wonder if A. D. Smith had induced his special partisans to call him out. Still, I think we can rally the party upon the regular nominee.

I shall be very happy to hear from you. My regards to Doolittle and Washburn.

Milwaukee, April 12, 1860—My Dear Friend: You have learned the result of our judicial election. To be defeated is bad; but to see Republicans rejoice over it is worse. I did, indeed, expect that Sloan would be elected by a small majority, but I must confess Dixon’s sweep does not surprise me very much. Sloan has been defeated by his own friends, or rather the friends of the state rights cause. The fire-eaters of our party (and you know there are such, who are always apt to undo by overdoing) threatened to bolt unless Sloan would make a public statement of his views on the state rights question. Shortly after the convention, while I was traveling in Indiana, I wrote Sloan that there was some difficulty in Milwaukee and Racine, probably instigated by A. D. Smith and his particular friends, and that he, probably, would be called upon to write a letter for publication. I told him that I would consider it very improper for a candidate for a judicial office to make a public statement of his views on matters which might come up to him for adjudication; but if it was necessary that something should be done, I advised him to write private letters to some prominent Republicans, enabling them to endorse him as a state rights man, without publishing the letters. When I got home, the first thing that met my eye was a letter from Sloan stating that, my advice had come too late, and that he had yielded to the urgent demands of the state rights men. He had, indeed, showed himself to be