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 388 The Abolitionists and the right of petition, [isso-40 instigate the slaves to insurrection." This did not suit Calhoun, who presented a bill forbidding any postmaster knowingly to deliver to any- one a printed paper touching slavery in any State or Territory where such publications were prohibited by the State or Territorial law. A warm debate followed, and the bill was lost, as were others in many northern State legislatures, prohibiting the printing of such documents. Defeated in this attempt to destroy the freedom of the mails, the pro-slavery party next attacked the right of petition. Though Congress had no authority to abolish slavery in the States, it could do so in the District of Columbia, where, under the Constitution, it has absolute jurisdiction. The opponents of slavery therefore began, so early as 1830, to petition for the abolition of slavery and the slave-trade in the district. These petitions were received, sent to a committee, and never heard of more. But after 1833 the Abolitionists sent them in such a steadily increasing stream that in 1836 the House of Representatives, after a long and stormy debate, adopted a "gag" rule, which ordered that "all petitions, memorials, resolutions, or papers, relating in any way or to any extent whatever to the subject of slavery or the abolition of slavery, shall, without being either printed or referred, be laid upon the table, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon." This rule remained in force for several years. Its effect was disastrous. The sacred right of petition had been assailed, and the cause of abolition helped forward. The petitions presented in 1835-6 bore 34,000 signatures. Those presented and dealt with under the "gag" in 1837-8 bore 414,000 names. Maine, Massachusetts, Vermont, Rhode Island, New York, Ohio, and Michigan censured Congress for refusing to receive the petitions; Connecticut repealed her "black code"; and a new political party arose among the people. The men who joined anti-slavery societies, signed anti-slavery petitions, and contributed money to aid the cause, were chiefly members of the Whig, the anti-Masonic, and Democratic parties. In the hope of drawing them from their parties and inducing them to act together, the anti-slavery State conventions began, about 1838, to urge the formation of a national anti-slavery party, in order to put a presidential candidate into the field in 1840. The suggestion was well received; a national convention was called; delegates from six States attended; and in April, 1840, James Gillespie Birney and Thomas Earle were nominated for the offices of President and Vice- President respectively. No name was given to the new party till 1844, when it became known as the Liberty party. The presidential campaign of 1840 was the most extraordinary that the country had ever known. The candidate of the Democratic party was Martin Van Buren. The nominees of the Whigs were William Henry Harrison, an ideal popular favourite, and John Tyler. As delegate to Congress from Indiana Territory in 1800, Harrison did