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organization finally to approve or disapprove the candidate's application or to prolong the candidacy period are confirmed by the next highest party organization.

In addition to its large party organization, the SED leadership has immediately under its control the Workers Militia (Kampfgruppen), a paramilitary adjunct estimated to number around 350,000 persons, armed and trained by the People's Police. The Workers Militia was formed in 1953 following the uprising in June, and its primary task is the protection of the state-owned enterprises against acts which would disrupt production or endanger public order. They are, therefore, particularly concerned with civil disturbances, and they cooperate with police units in the prevention and suppression of strikes, riots, and other disorders. In addition to being trained in the use of small arms and riot control, the Workers Militia participates in full field exercises employing machine guns, mortars, anti-tank guns, and armored scout cars. Training has become more rigorous since 1967, and during the Czechoslovakia crisis in 1968 some units reportedly were given orientation lectures because of the possibility that they might see action in the occupation of Czechoslovakia.

Party control of the Workers Militia remains in the hands of the SED security leaders from the highest levels in the Central Committee to local security secretaries and through them to the immediate level of commanders of the basic groups of 100 men. These basic groups are called Hundertschaften, a term used by ancient Germanic tribes as early as the first century to describe the hundred best warriors in a community. The Workers Militia is the largest organization in East Germany, with the exception of the regular military forces, to which weapons are made available. Although the capability of the Workers Militia has been questioned in the past, recent emphasis on training and indoctrination may have improved its effectiveness.

3. Party leadership

Until May 1971 Walter Ulbricht (Figure 5) occupied the summit of the SED organization and furnished the driving force for the party and for East Germany as a whole.

Born in Leipzig in 1893 of Socialist parents, Ulbricht joined the SPD in 1912 and helped found the German Communist Party after World War I. Ulbricht quickly demonstrated the qualities of thoroughness and persistence that have since led many biographers to describe him as the perfect bureaucrat. He was self-assured, if somewhat unimaginative, but burdened with the pedantic mannerisms of an old-fashioned schoolteacher. Ulbricht was a hard worker, did not drink or smoke, and prided himself on physical fitness. As the SED First Secretary after 1953, he was directly responsible for adopting and overseeing the execution of regime policies.

On several occasions prior to 1961 Ulbricht's authority was challenged from within the party, and there were widespread public hopes that he might be purged in the wake of de-Stalinization moves in the USSR and the Eastern European countries. Ulbricht, however, was able on every occasion to counter all challenges and dash the hopes of the populace by convincing the Soviet leaders that his demotion or replacement would weaken the regime and raise a threat to continued Soviet control of East Germany. For almost a decade after the erection of the Berlin Wall in 1961, Ulbricht's authority was virtually unchallenged and he proceeded with great vigor to consolidate Communist rule in East Germany. Although he slowed his pace somewhat, delegating more power to other members of the Politburo and attempting to assume the role of an elder statesmen who was above day-to-day events, there was little doubt that Ulbricht remained in control of the SED and of East Germany.

Even while Ulbricht remained ensconced as party leader, a group of able younger men had begun the climb to top positions in the party. Despite their differing views on the problems facing the regime, this younger group has risen through the party ranks under Ulbricht's tutelage and they were all apparently convinced of the necessity of continued East German dependence on the Soviet Union. There were reports and speculation that SED leaders were divided, with the "hard" faction or "dogmatists" allegedly led by Erich Honecker, and the "soft" faction or "technocrats" led by Premier Willi Stoph. There was no firm evidence to substantiate such reports, however, particularly when the leadership demonstrated that it was capable of closing ranks and presenting a united front when other potentially divisive issues arose.

Since taking the reins of power, Honecker has proven to be a capable and acceptable successor to Ulbricht. Despite the latter's long years of dedicated service, there were apparently few tears shed at his demotion. Initial Western press speculation postulated that Honecker was too colorless and too specialized in cadre and security affairs to be able to successfully handle the complicated economic problems which had been the focus of criticism since the 14th plenum

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