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 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA-RDP01-00707R000200090021-3

2. Lingering class stratification

The sharp socioeconomic cleavages associated with the Industrial Revolution of the 18th and 19th centuries never fully developed in Sweden. Since many of the new factories, which came relatively late to Sweden, were dispersed in the countryside and in small towns, the massive migration to the towns and cities that characterized industrialization in Europe to the south did not occur. Class differences initially accentuated by the more moderate population movements blurred again with the rapid development of the comprehensive welfare system during the present century. A traditional relative egalitarianism, fostered in part by the historic absence of great landed wealth, was similarly stimulated in modern times. Whereas the crown retained title to the choice lands in an earlier period, allowing the nobility to maintain its privileged position largely through service to the state, the new industrial barons were prevented from acquiring too much independent wealth and hence personal power through the early imposition of the progressive income tax. Other factors militating against the development of sharply defined social classes in modern times are the political strength of the industrial workers, stemming from a powerful, well-organized trade union movement, the traditionally respected position held by farmer as a class; and a level of living second to none in Europe and dispersed with remarkable evenness among all elements. Many sons of small farmers have risen to influential positions within the church and in the school system, and a number of individuals in the working class have attained positions of political prominence as the result of capabilities for leadership developed in the labor movement.

At the same time an attitude of exclusiveness still pervades the essentially industrial upper class, whose ranks include members of the old aristocracy. The extent to which some class consciousness lingers with all Swedes is perhaps reflected in the continued popularity of the monarchy as an institution. It was also seen as recently as the 1950's in the official breakdown of lists of persons entitled to vote for the now defunct Upper House of the old Riksdag. The register was divided into three social groups: upper class (approximately 5%), middle class (approximately 40%), and manual workers' class (approximately 55%), with roughly the same economic and educational affiliations as elsewhere in Western Europe. The somewhat exaggerated attachment to social leveling evident in the 1960's and 1970's not only put an end to such official classifications, but also has tended to foster attitudes of envy, with the result that a mild jealousy of the material well-being and success of others has become a rather pervasive characteristic.

The behavior patterns of the average modern Swede still reflect an awareness of distinctions based on occupation. Formality, reserve, and a certain deference to "position may still characterize social relations. Here, as in other northern societies, the successful industrialist or engineer may command a higher measure of regard, than, for example, he enjoys in Latin countries. More universally European is the respect accorded advanced educational attainment in the arts as well as in the sciences and membership in the traditional learned professions. As in other European areas, the use of honorifics is common, even in ordinary conversation. While social mobility has been enhanced by the accessibility of secondary, advanced technical, and higher education to all classes, intermarriage between persons still identified with the lower classes and those above is not yet common. Conversely, members of the working class are more class conscious than their counterparts in the United States and derive a feeing of strength and cohesiveness from their size and preponderant influence in politics.

The most frequently traveled routes for social and economic advancement are politics, journalism, the arts, the civil service (including the school system), and cooperative enterprises. Channels in the flourishing manufacturing industries as well as in the traditional professions are still relatively restricted, although here too there is ever increasing movement. Tensions between the still identifiable classes are slight, and the population adheres to a generally uniform code of social mores.

3. The family

Partly because of the marked influence exerted by Lutheran Protestantism on the manners and customs of the Swedes, the society was patriarchal, with the women's role preferably confined to the home. Along with the development of the welfare state over the past half century and the resultant redistribution of the national wealth, went a somewhat delayed but equally dramatic extension of the role of women in the national life. Urbanization, the labor shortage, and high living costs have prompted an increasing number of mothers to seek work outside the home. In 1950 gainfully employed married women comprised only 7.6% of the labor force; their participation had risen to 17% by 1965, and may now be more than 20%. The traditionally closely knit and disciplined family unit

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