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Hermansson's tactics have aggravated frictions previously existing within the party between the old-guard Communists, who wish to maintain close dependence on Moscow, and the younger revisionist elements, which have rebelled against what they consider outmoded and ineffective policies. But the new principal opponent of Hermansson's moderate policies has been the small pro-Chinese left wing centered in Goteborg; this group has accused Hermansson of transforming the party into an appendage of the Social Democratic Party. Despite gains in 1970, Hermansson remains under attack by more radical dissident elements in the party. If the party should adopt a more radical platform at the next congress, there may be changes in the leadership with youthful, dissident elements increasing their influence.

c. Programs and policies

A new party program adopted by the congress in October 1972 was couched in stronger, more revolutionary language than the program adopted in 1967. Previously the party had called for abolition of the value added tax, reductions in military expenditures, and opposition to Common Market membership. The new program calls for complete abolition of the armed forces, formation of a people's militia, which would replace the police, and destruction of secret files belonging to the Security Police. The party would also nationalize commercial banks, large companies, and important industries, and confiscate extensive industrial holdings in the name of the people. The party was compelled to advocate more radical solutions to a variety of problems in order to prevent dissident elements from stealing the limelight on popular issues.

The party has undertaken a number of foreign policy initiatives, mainly on Southeast Asia, but it has been unable to derive great advantage from this issue because of the government's decision to recognize Hanoi and increase aid to Vietnam. In all probability Vietnam will continue to fade in importance as a foreign policy issue in Sweden, and the focus will shift to issues closer to home, such as membership in the Common Market. The VPK advocates independence from both Moscow and Peking. Despite its announced intention to avoid choosing sides in the ideological dispute between the Soviet and Chinese parties, the VPK sharply condemned Moscow for the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia.

d. Press and finances

The VPK has only one daily newspaper, Norrskenflamman, which is published in Lulea and had a circulation of only 3,400 in 1969. Its central organ is Ny Dag, published twice weekly in Stockholm. Virtually the same edition is circulated in Goteborg and Western Sweden twice weekly under the banner Arbiter-Tidningen. The party publishes a theoretical quarterly called Socialistisk Debatt, which, like its other publications, has experienced financial difficulties. In the past the annual losses sustained by the Communist press have approached US$200,000, and the VPK has resorted to special membership assessments to keep its newspapers on the street. In addition to dues, the party has solicited contributions from the East Germans, as well as the Soviets, and has established domestic commercial ventures to raise additional revenue.

6. Pressure groups

Swedish pressure groups representing special occupational and economic interests have achieved semi-official status through performing a number of functions for the government. The most important are the LO, the TCO, the SAF, the Federation of Swedish Industries, and the National Farmers Union, the Consumers Cooperative Union, and some associations among educators and religious leaders. It has become customary for the government to name representatives of these groups to the agencies that regulate activities affecting their interests. In addition, these groups are given opportunities to express their views to members of the cabinet, government agencies, and parliamentary committees in connection with proposed legislation. As a result of these institutionalized channels, lobbying in the US sense has become largely unnecessary.

7. Electoral procedures

Under an electoral reform instituted in 1970, local, provincial, and national elections are held concurrently every 3 years. The responsibility for printing the ballots devolves upon the parties. Each party hands out three ballots: a yellow one for the Riksdag, a blue one for the provincial slate, and a white one for the local candidates. Blank pieces of appropriately colored paper may also be used by voters, who simply write in the name of the party and list their preferred candidates. As there are five major parties, each voter is offered a minimum of 15 ballots (factions within parties and new parties can sometimes increase the number of ballots).

The name of the party is printed at the top of the ballot and a number of candidates slightly in excess of the total number of seats available in the province or

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APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA-RDP01-00707R000200090019-6