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unrepresentative, ideological elite, has been gradual. Although in 1970 agriculture was still the single largest occupation in Poland, the chief characteristic of the postwar period has been the continued decrease in the proportion of the total population dependent on agriculture as a means of livelihood (Figure 16). Whereas at the beginning of this century about four-fifths of the population depended for its livelihood on the land, this proportion fell to about two-thirds when Poland reemerged as an independent state in 1918, and to about one-half at the end of World War II. By 1970 this accelerating trend resulted in a population about 70% of which was drawing its livelihood from nonagricultural pursuits.

This major shift in occupational orientation has gone hand-in-hand with urbanization, industrialization, rapid and forcible changes in social patterns, and a politicization of virtually all aspects of national life. These developments have not only molded the social

'''FIGURE 16. Total population by source of livelihood, selected years 1921-70 (U/OU)''' (chart/graph)

role and characteristics of Polish labor in the postwar period, but have also been influenced in return.

Poland's actual labor force in the postwar period has been characterized by a markedly high participation rate—about half of the total population and about four-fifths of the population within the working age of 15 to 64 years. The postwar growth in the labor force, however, has been due primarily to demographic changes rather than to changes in the pattern of labor force participation. The growth was much more rapid in the 1960-70 decade than before and closely paralleled the increased in the number of persons of working age.

In contrast to Western usage, Polish criteria for working age are 18 to 64 years for men and 18 to 59 years for women. Although these criteria have been in use throughout the postwar period, they have become particularly useful to the Polish regime in statistically minimizing the growing problem of providing new large for large increments to the working-age population in the Western sense (i.e., 15-64 years) since the mid-1960's. This working-age population rose by almost 15% between 1960 and 1970 and will continue to grow rapidly as the members of the postwar "baby boom" enter the labor field. Providing employment, vocational training, and additional academic opportunities as ways of easing a labor surplus have been high on the list of commitments by the Gierek regime since 1970. Changes in the relative proportions of working to non-working age population since 1950 is shown in Figure 17.

The relatively rapid growth of the labor force as a whole—almost exclusively in the nonagricultural sector and coupled to a decline in agricultural employment—has resulted in little changes in the proportion of women in the labor force despite a higher female participation rate. The activity rate for males has been about average for a European country, but the female rate has been substantially higher and

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