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 The position in Sarawak, on the other hand, is rather different. This is probably one of the reasons why the Communist influence there has been greater than in North Borneo. I did not agree with the hon. Member for Eton and Slough when he said that the Sarawak United People's Party had not been heavily infiltrated by Communism. He said that this infiltration was only at a low level. I can only assume that he has not followed over the months the important members of the Sarawak United People's Party who have been identified with Communist infiltration. The results of the ballot box have been excellent and offer tremendous hope for the future.

The new Federation is an area right in the middle, between Indonesia and the Philippines, with Communist China above. It may be only a small nation of about 9 million people but it will have a tremendous stabilising effect on the whole political and economic situation of South-East Asia. We would all love to see a wider Federation develop in the long run. If it is to develop it must do so upon sound foundations which, I believe, exist in Malaysia.

It would do ill to this concept if one were to suggest now that Indonesia is in an internal state where it could be closely associated with a federation of this type. In Malaysia we will at least have partners who are working in real harmony. This cannot be said of the present state of the Indonesian Republic. The Central Government there are ill able to exert their influence, and until Indonesia is able to put its own house in order it would be dangerous to canvass the thought actively of a large Federation.

We have seen in Sarawak, as a result of what I call the revolt in Brunei earlier this year, many Chinese—who were previously sitting on the fence, supporting the Sarawak United People's Party or tending to look towards Communist China believing that that side would eventually win—suddenly beginning to realise where their bread and butter lay and what would benefit their economic future. The situation in Sarawak changed almost overnight when these people saw the results of the revolt.

Mr. Sorensen Would not the hon. Member agree that there were riots in Djakarta and that a number of Malays destroyed Chinese shops and other property?

Mr. Turner I agree—and that was a useful intervention. These things play a tremendous part, particularly in Chinese politics. It is only in recent years that the Chinese have taken an interest in world politics. In the past they preferred to look after their businesses in their usual efficient way, leaving politics to others. The incident mentioned by the hon. Member was one of the things which contributed to make the Chinese realise that it is important for them to be prepared to play a part in public life and to take some responsibility in their own society if it is to be democratic. The incident in Djakarta and the revolt in Brunei brought many Chinese to realise that unless they were prepared to play an effective part in the life of their territory there would be no future for their businesses in the area.

I turn to North Borneo, or Sabah, as we are to know it. We have heard today about the suggested danger of Islamic influence spreading to North Borneo and Sarawak. I do not pretend to be an expert on this subject but I know that there is a slight difference between the supporters of Islam—the Muslims in North Borneo—and those in Malaya. It is fair to say that the Islamic faith is much more strongly held and practised in certain States in Malaya than it is among the Muslim peoples of North Borneo, to whatever sect they belong.

Religion has been worrying the people of North Borneo. In the talks and correspondence I have had with people of all races in North Borneo, they have been emphatic in pointing out that Islam should not be the State religion of North Borneo. Another thing they, particularly the Chinese, have been concerned with in North Borneo is the use of the English language. Many of my Chinese friends in the area have always felt that their ability to use English counterbalanced the greater economic and business experience of some of their fellow Chinese in Singapore. They have felt that this ability to speak, write and understand English would act as a sort of insurance policy should they come together with the business and economic communities of Singapore, which is the trading centre of the whole area.