Page:Brisbee Daily Review - 03 April 1917.djvu/2

TWO 

WASHINGTON, April 2.—The Democrats with the aid of four or five Independents, organized the house when the new congress assembled today, re-electing Champ Clark of Missouri as speaker, and sweeping into office with him all the other Democratic caucus nominees.

Mr. Clark received 217 votes against 205 for Representative Mann, the Republican choice for speaker, who not only failed to receive an independent vote but lost the support of five of his party colleagues.

All of the Democrats present voted for Mr. Clark, and were joined by Schall, Progressive in Minnesota; Martin, Progressive-Protectionist of Louisiana; London, Socialist of New York and Randall, Prohibitionist of California. The five Republicans who did not support Mr. Mann were Gardner of Massachusetts who voted for Representative Lenroot of Wisconsin, Gray of New Jersey, and Ballinger of Massachusetts, who voted for Gillett of Massachusetts, and Haskell of New York, and James of Michigan, who voted "present."

Representative Fuller, Independent of Massachusetts, voted for Mr. Lenroot.

Calling of the roll was replete with bursts of applause, but the lion's share went to Miss Jeanette Rankin of Montana, a Republican and the first woman to be elected to the house. She was given three separate ovations, once when she entered the chamber on the ar mofarm of [sic] her colleague, Representative Evans of Montana, again when she responded to the call of members, and a third time when she voted for Mr. Mann. She was forced once to rise and bow before the applause could be checked. She was on the floor the greater part of the day: dressed plainly in a dark dress with a white collar, and carrying a bunch of flowers.

An effort by Representative Mann to prevent adoption of the rules which governed the last congress were futile. Representative Pou of North Carolina, named by the Democrats as head of the rules committee, announced however, that the committee would gladly consider proposed amendments at any future time.

At the organization of committees the house followed out the selections made by Democratic leaders. Although half a dozen chairmanships went to northern Democrats, Representative Gallivan, Democrat, of Massachusetts, who has persistently protested against southern domination of chairmanships, voted against the slate.

 

WASHINGTON, April 2.—Pacifists who came to Washington by the thousands today under the guidance of the Emergency Peace Federation to protest to congress against war had a turbulent time. The capital, bedecked with the national colors and overflowing with patriotic enthusiasm, gave the peace advocates anything but a cordial reception.

On the streets, the white arm bands and "we want peace" streamers of the visitors drew frequent jeers. At the capitol "patriotic pilgrims" from various cities went over the same course as the pacifists, urging members of congress to uphold the hands of the President and the honor of the nation.

There were numerous disorders, the most sensational incident of the day taking place in the office of Senator Lodge. The senator was called to the door to hear the arguments of the visitors. There were harsh words and then blows were exchanged between the senator, aged 67 and Alexander Bannwart, of Rochester, Mass., born in Switzerland of Swiss-German parents.

Senator Lodge sent his antagonist to the floor with a blow to the jaw, and while the officer force was clearing away the other pacifists a young man in the corridor pummelled Bannwart vigorously before turning him over at the hands of David B. Herman, a half grown telegraph messenger. Then the capitol police appeared and Bannwart, very bloody, was locked up charged with assault. Later he was released on $1,000 cash bail for his appearance in police court tomorrow morning.

Bannwart for some time has been a promoter and secretary of the Woodrow Wilson Independent League of Massachusetts. He was graduated from Princeton University in 1906.

Excitement over the fight in the Capitol had just subsided when a thousand of the peace champions, wearing white arm bands and banners bearing such inscriptions as "Keep Out of War," and "We Want Peace," began to assemble on the east entrance steps of the capitol for a demonstration. It was remarked that foreign accents were frequently to be heard and sentences in German were spoken more than once.

The police started to clear the broad steps before the demonstration was fairly begun. They had some difficulty and the reserves were sent for in a hurry. Then the Pacifists were pressed back to the edge of the plaza, the police forming lines to keep them there. About this time "Pilgrims of Patriotism" and other anti-Pacifists made their appearance.

Heated arguments started immediately and at least two fist fights were launched. The belligerents were very quickly then the anti-Pacifists grouped themselves about the crowd and jeered and hooted. They applauded the police every time one oof [sic] the Pacifists was required to go back of the lines.

After an hour the UacifistsPacifists [sic] assembled at Convention hall for a business meeting. The convention hall adjoins a national guard armory, and guardsmen booed, hooted, jeered as the Pacifists passed. The police arrived in time to prevent hostilities. The meeting in the hall was interrupted by word that President Wilson was to address the congress shortly but the crowd made for the Capitol again. This time they let it be known that they were not going to demonstrate, so the police allowed them to stand on the steps at the house side. There they remained until it was announced that the President would not appear until 8 o'clock.

Arrangements were made quickly for holding at once the mass meeting that had been scheduled for tonight, so the delegates congregated about the capitol when the President arrived.

Speakers at the meeting urged the maintenance of peace.

The plans of the Pacifists were so delayed that their mass meeting was not in progress until just before the President went to the Capitol. Several thousand persons gathered in the hall. Disorder threatened on several occasions, but the police, reinforced by armed national guardsmen managed to hold the jeering crowd in check.

The meeting adopted a set of resolutions, protesting vigorously against war and urging the appointment of a joint high commission to settle the issues with Germany.

A portion of the crowd discouraged at ConcentionConvention [sic] hall by the police marched to the headquarters of the Emergency Peace Federation later in the night and adjourned after threatening to wreck the place if signs to banish them were not removed, started a free for all fight. It was stopped quickly by the police.

As soon as the Pacifists began to arrive today they were sent to Capitol hill by their senators and told to see the senators and representatives from their home states. The Capitol and the house and senate official buildings literally swarmed with them for several hours. It was during this period that Bannwart and several associates called at the office of Senator Lodge.

Senator Lodge, Senator Weeks and others who saw the encounter say Bannwart struck first at the conclusion of a volley of remarks in which he called the senator a "damned coward," and the senator replied:

"You are a liar."

Bannwart tonight denied emphatically that he had hit Senator Lodge first, saying: "I had no idea he was going to strike me. He just hauled off and hit me as hard as he could. Then a half dozen fellows had a fine time trying to finish me up. That messenger boy had an especially good time. I hope I don't have to go to jail. Why, if I had hit Senator Lodge first I would not have a leg to stand on."

The Arizona man who attacked Bannwart after the latter's fight with Senator Lodge was Ward Davis, and immigration field agent of the Casa Grande Chamber of Commerce. He was at the capitol to see congress convene and happened to be passing Senator Lodge's office.

 

WASINGTON, April 2.—Some of the comment of senators on the President's address follow:

Senator Hitchcock, Democrat, Nebraska—"The President's address presents a masterly review of recent events which have combined to force war upon the United States. I have been opposed to war and have done what I could to avert it. War is now inevitable and the only question is whether the country will go into it strongly or divided and crippled. Under these circumstances I must stand for strength and unity."

Senator Lodge, Republican, Massachusetts—"I will tell you what I told the President when he concluded his address, and that is I thought he was fully in the right of the great argument."

Senator Brandegee, Republican, Connecticut—"It was a magnificent address. The people will endorse it and I will do everything I can to back it up."

Senator Saulsbury, Democrat, Delaware, president pro tempore of the senate—"The President's address was right in line with my own feeling and belief."

Senator Smoot, Republican floor leader—"It was very clearly put—a splendid business. There was no doubt what the President had in mondmind [sic]. It will meet with the approval of the American people."

Senator Chamberlain, Democrat, Oregon, chairman of the military committee—"It was a magnificent address. It was forceful and to the point, and in my opinion, expresses the feeling of the great masses of the American people."

None of the twelve senators who opposed the armed neutrality bill in the last congress had any comment to make.

 

Grandly has the President risen to the occasion.

The indictment of the imperial government framed by the President of the United States is the most damning arraignment in history.

Of all sentiments none must becloud our clear duty as American citizens, whatever it includes

Our President contends in his message that we have to go to war to free the world of autocratic rule. The German people, says he, were not asked if they wanted to go to war or not.

Even if so, let us not make the same mistake, and give our people by a referendum vote the opportunity to decide themselves about the momentous question: Peace or War.

We agree with the President that war exists between the United States and Germany, and that all the citizens must comply with the duties arising out of the state of war. All other statement in the President's speech we disapprove and rejectjreject [sic].

We stand and fall with the land of our choice. The welfare of our adopted country is sacred to us and to guard our internal peace is our duty.

 

There can exist no doubt over the standing of the American citizens extraction. The German-Americans do not have to give assurances of loyalty. They have steadily shown themselves to be true and dutiful citizens: with their blood they have helped to build and uphold the nation.

We have moved to this decision slowly and with great reluctance but having reached it there will be no turning back.

Germany has dragged an enemy into th ewarthe war [sic] which will cling to her until the German people assert themselves and until Prussian junkerism is crushed to the earth.

There is but one answer for young America to give. Go to the recruiting station and get your gun.

The President spoke as a statesman and as a patriot. The nation is behind him.

The call of the President for half a million men will be promptly met. The men, five times as many, in fact, are ready and waiting to meet the call.

The President has resisted war until he could resist no longer. The American people will not lie down like whipped curs and take their lashing.

The President has uttered the words which the people of the United States demanded and we have no doubt congress with adopt his suggestions. The American spirit throbs in every trenchant line and puts to shame the pacifists.

Woodrow Wilson's message to congress advocating a state of war is another declaration of independence.

The President seems to avoid taking any large share of responsibility upon his shoulders. In that respect the message is a disappointment. The spirit of the message is not at all Jacksonian.

President Wilson's message asking congress to declare a state of war exists between the United States and the German government and to take all steps to prosecute the war so there may be lasting peace for the world, will appeal not only to the people of his nation but to all free peoples.

 

We hope that congress will no delay a day in passing the resolution.

There may be minor divisions of opinion in congress, as in the country but any major or obstructive decision after the adoption of the Flood resolution will be a division not as between Democrat and Republican, but as between American and traitor.

Congress will lose no time in placing the stamps of its approval on the President's recommendation.

We must win this war and earearn [sic] an honorable peace, and wars are only won and honorable peace is only earned by intelligent service: by enormous preparations: by the united sacrifice of the whole nation, and by freely pouring our treasure and blood.

America will fulfill its obligation and assume its full share in preserving the world's political freedom.

Never was a war message couched in terms revealing a more earnest and sincere love of peace.

The New York Staats Zeitung prints an editorial dispatch from Washington signed by Bernard Ridder, its editor, in which he says:

"The President need have no concern as to the loyalty of Americans of German ancestry. That question has been answered definitely and finally. I trust, however, that in the days of trial and bitterness to come it will be understood in a spirit of sympathetic appreciation."

President Wilson has driven straight to the heart of the issue, and congress must respond.

No praise can be too high for the words and the purposes of the President.

There can be no criticism of the President's course except from two sources—those who thingthink [sic] he should have assumed the non-conformity of Prussianism with the principles of human liberty earlier, and taken steps to combat it, and the ones who would be slaves to a military tyranny than fight to be free. The nation will follow the lead of its chief executive in the pathway he has blazed toward justice for all mankind with care and a whole-heartedness that will make all the world wonder. The answer to his call for support will seal the doom of autocracy and make democracy everywhere supreme.

The President could not do less and maintain the honor of the United States. Every member of congress who fails to stand by him withwill [sic] be branded a "copper-head."

Whatever hope there may have been that the President would find some way to avoid actual war with Germany is abandoned without disappointment for the hope was only a wish which we knew could not be granted. The President's voice today was the voice of the nation, and the nation now will be more closely knit together than it has ever been since cthe close of the American revolution.

There can be no doubt what reply congress will make to the President's appeal. TheerThere [sic] is no doubt as to the duty of every patriotic American in congress to give to the President the united support of the representatives of the people and of the states. Neither should there be any shortage of unanimous loyalty in the response of the people.

WASHINGTON, April 2.—Industrial and labor leaders here today organized the committee on labor of the national defense council advisory committee. President Gompers of the American Federation of Labor, chairman of the committee, Secretary Wilson and Howard Coffin, members of the advisory committee, were among the speakers.