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848 celebrated war speech, by which he persuaded the Parliament and the country that he had screwed his courage to the sticking-place, and that he really meant to make a stand for the honour of the nation. If his words did not absolutely declare that he would have war before surrender, his tones, his manner, his general language, were calculated to convey the idea that he would at length be firm and loyal on our behalf. The sequel of this great display shows that the whole object of it was to procure a money vote; that he never for a moment intended to make a stand for us; that the House of Commons was treated to a studied piece of hypocrisy; and that, once he had obtained the vote which he desired, he proceeded to surrender every point in dispute. His "prave 'orts" produced a momentary effect; but, instead of their being followed by brave acts, the next utterance to the Russian was, "Quiet thy cudgel; thou dost see I eat." Possibly there may come, if some temporary purpose demand it, yet another change of his mood, when we may hear the awful threat, "All hell shall stir for this!"

No one in the whole country, as we believe, doubts that the eleven millions of money were voted by Parliament under the strong delusion, created by Mr Gladstone, that they were to be spent in maintaining Britain's rights and upholding her honour. Rights and honour were thrown over after the vote was secured. If ever money was obtained on false pretences this vote of eleven millions was so obtained. Mr Gladstone raised a false belief and benefited by it: he knows that he did so.

We have not the least doubt that he is the main cause of the losses and troubles over which we have to lament. His folly with regard to the Transvaal emboldened Arabi to try his luck in Egypt. His feeble and unmeaning vacillations in Egypt convinced Russia that the time had come for making her spring in India. And she was right. Every year that he remains in power this country becomes involved in more serious complications. We cannot predict what the next "affair of dishonour" may be, but, according to the law which has hitherto prescribed his course, it will be more damaging and more dangerous than even his retreat before Russia. And this is a consideration which intimately concerns the country. It may either wait supinely for his next difficulty, or it may relieve itself of these alarms by simply turning him out. Which will it do? On the attitude of our countrymen we propose now to say a few words.

The betrayal of our interests by Mr Gladstone's Government may be accounted for; but it is very hard to understand how the country, while knowing how unworthily the Ministers of the Crown were acting, should have remained so patient. The people could, if they had so pleased, have made their voices heard in prohibition of the dastardly retreat that was made before the overbearing audacity of Russia, and they have chosen to remain passive. While such is their attitude, they are guilty of suicidal negligence and indifference. They have lost no territory as yet, but they have lost reputation. They have commenced to retreat before the most grasping and unscrupulous Power of modern times; and every backward step which they may take will make the effort of facing round again and withstanding the enemy more difficult. The leaps and bounds by which Russia has been advancing of late