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1885.] occasion, and rising to the heroic where need is. The prompt and warlike spirit it is to which India submits. Can it then be matter of surprise that the conduct of our Government in this contention has filled all the British in India with apprehension and dismay? They understand the native mind full well, and perceive only too painfully the change which must come over it when this chapter of shame and effeminacy shall have wrought its full effect on it. If Britain declines to make a stand against Russia, if the virtue is gone out of her, is it certain that she would oppose a prompt and effectual check to rebellion in India? She is weak in numbers there: if she be wanting, too, in confidence and courage, her rule may be subverted. At any rate, another rising may be thought worth the trial, now that there is some reason to think her craven.

Neither is our love of peace likely to procure peace for us among our neighbours in Europe. The power that is known to have declined to defend her own when set upon, is sure to have plenty of disturbance. Small as well as great will molest her, and try to win reputation, if not material advantage, at her expense. "When a warre-like State," says Bacon, "groves soft and effeminate, they may be sure of a warre. For commonly such States are growne rich, in the time of their degenerating; and so the prey inviteth, and their decay in valour encourageth a warre."

Even if it be true (as some have advanced in our defence) that we accept the insults of Russia because we are at present unprepared to cope with a great Power, yet our reputation will suffer just the same as if we were faint-hearted until we do something to convince the world that our reluctance to fight proceeded from policy only.

It would thus appear that our position is already pitiable indeed, and that our future is likely to be lower than our present state.

"But what," say the apologists of the Government, "is to happen if it prove that we have been demanding a frontier which the Afghans themselves do not care to have secured to them? To this we answer that we shall then have another testimony to the incapacity and negligence of our Government, but nothing that in the smallest degree lessens the insolence of Russia's conduct towards us. If the Ameer were to say that he would give up the whole of Afghanistan, that would neither atone for past insults accumulated upon us, nor put an end to our demand that Russia should keep her distance. We are parties to this dispute, not simply that the Ameer may be satisfied, but that the way into British India may be barred. Though the Ameer should be content to yield to Russia positions, the possession of which by her would facilitate her invasion of British India, we cannot allow the concession. We have something much more important than the Ameer to think of, though, at the same time, we should be found ready to do our duty by him as long as he stands faithfully by us.

Without holding the nation guiltless as to the weakness and the low esteem into which we have fallen, we may yet lay the blame of it all in the first degree on Mr Gladstone. We accuse him –

1. Of having by his former for-