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 of which, as a matter of fact, is Lettish, only the aristocracy and the townspeople being German—were to be “liberated.” Furthermore the growing Ruthenian (Ukraine) movement was to be used against Russia, a Ruthenian State was to be formed in the East as a buffer against Russia, needless to say as yet another member of the Germanised Zollverein. The Balkan States with their German princes and princesses (excepting Serbia and Montenegro) were regarded merely as natural satellites of Germany.

Besides these nationalistic and economic incitements to world power, Germany was stimulated by England’s example. The Pan-German literature clearly shows it, and the Germans admit it openly enough; it is England who inspired the building of a great Navy, it was England’s industry and commerce which incited to competition on the world’s market; it is the British Empire which roused Germany’s envy and political emulation. Finally the very idea of the German Empire, as the sequel and continuation of the Roman Empire, and the renovation of this Empire was the political programme of World Power and the declaration of “the will to power.”

Under the given circumstances Britain and Russia, the two World Powers, were the natural opponents of these German aspirations; but both Russia and Britain very often helped Germany in achieving her plan either involuntarily or even voluntarily—no doubt assuming that Germany only aimed at the position of an equal among equals. But soon it became manifest that Germany aspires to lead the world; it was to prevent Russia’s full development and reorganisation which began after the Russo-Japanese War, that Germany waged this war, thinking that England would not join the Entente.

This grand scheme of Berlin–Baghdad was drawn up and elaborated by the Pan-German politicians there are numerous authors of untiring energy, who popularised these political aspirations realised finally in the present war, for Germany controls practically at this moment the area of the Pan-German “Central Europe.”

In the nineties, the Pan-German Programme was worked out in detail, the German Central Europe and the Weltreich was fully shaped. Soon the watchword “Berlin–Baghdad” was circulated in books and the press. Not only Bronsart von Schellendorf, the Prussian War Minister, but the Kaiser himself is an ardent adherent of Pan-Germanism and a pupil of Lagarde. Bronsart gave a detailed programme of Central Europe under Germany’s leading. And the scheme, Berlin–Baghdad, first began to be shaped by men like List and Moltke, and can be traced back to Frederick the Great and his Turkish policy.

Now that Germany has succeeded in occupying the territory forming the essential part of the Pan-German programme of Central Europe or “Berlin–Baghdad—not only Pan-Germanism, but the whole development of Prussia-Germany must be reviewed and revised in accordance with the present situation on the battlefields.

Austria’s significance for Germany must be obvious to all to-day. “Berlin–Baghdad” means above all the abdication of Austria-Hungary as a really independent State.

Germany went into the war as a “loyal” ally of Austria-Hungary; but to-day Germany is not an ally, she is the military leader, the political and economic sovereign of “independent” Austria-Hungary. Germany has the 51 millions of the population of Austria-Hungary at her disposal. Austria-Hungary opens up the road from Berlin to Constantinople; it is the “Alliance” with Austria-Hungary which has enabled Germany to invade the Balkans.