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134 throne in 1143. This is the last of the series given by Beger, who concludes his work with a short review of the Roman empire from its commencement to its fall. In none of these examples of imperial Iconography does he discover any traces of idolatry, or any license and authority for that adoration of images, the controversy about which occasioned so much animosity and Iconoclasm in the eastern and western world for so many centuries. The usual monograms and titles of Jesus, of Christ, of Emmanuel, the King of kings, with $\overline{KƐ}$ B$\overline{O}$—KYPIƐ, &c., only serve to remind both sovereigns and subjects of their dependence on Divine Providence for the continuance of their prosperity, or their deliverance from adversity. But the invocation of the "Mother of God," which soon followed, is a departure from this simplicity.

The transition to Mariolatry may, perhaps, be a curious and interesting subject for investigation. The word is ambiguous. It may signify the "Mother of God," or it may be synonymous with Diogenes, that is, "of Divine origin." Accordingly, we find the first invocation of the Virgin Mother by this name on a coin of Romanus Diogenes, who came to the imperial throne of Constantinople in the year 1068. He is represented as crowned by the Virgin Mary; and the legends of this and some subsequent coins exhibit those revolting invocations for help from the Mother of God which have been so frequently condemned as derogatory from the supreme Majesty of heaven. For about four or five centuries, therefore, were invocations too commonly united. In another coin there is the figure of St. George assisting the emperor, Calo-Johannes, in holding a patriarchal cross, with the figure of the Saviour, sitting on a chair, on the reverse. The nimbus, surrounding the heads both of the Virgin and St. George, is quite plain. From the coins of Alexius Comnenus, as well as others of the Comnenian family, we may infer, that they acknowledged Christ as their only helper and defender.

Trinity College.