Page:Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography (1900, volume 4).djvu/398

360 was accredited to the court of St. James, and sub- sequently went to Spain in order to negotiate for the cession of Florida to the United States. But he was not successful in this and returned to Lon- don, where, with the aid of William Pinckney, who was sent to re-enforce his efforts, he concluded a treaty with Great Britain after long negotiations frequently interrupted. This treaty failed to meet the expectations of the United States in two im- portant particulars — it made no provisions against the impressment of seamen, and it secured no in- demnity for loss that Americans had incurred in the seizure of their goods and vessels. Jefferson was so dissatisfied that he would not send the treaty to the senate. Monroe returned home in 1807 and at once drew up an elaborate defence of his political conduct. Matters were evidently drifting toward war between Great Britain and the United States. Again the disappointed and dis- credited diplomatist received a token of popular approbation. He was for the third time elected to the assembly, and in 1811 was chosen for the second time governor of Virginia. He remained in this office but a short time, for he was soon called by Madison to the office of secretary of state. He held the portfolio during the next six years, from 1811 to 1817. In 1814-'15 he also acted as secre- tary of war. While he was a member of the cabi- net of Madison, hostilities were begun between the United States and England. The public build- ings in Washington were burned, and it was only by the most strenuous measures that the progress of the British was interrupted. Monroe gained much popularity by the measures that he took for the protection of the capital and for the enthu- siasm with which he prosecuted the war measures of the government.

Monroe had now held almost every important station except that of president to which a poli- tician could aspire. He had served in the legisla- ture of Virginia, in the Continental congress, and in the senate of the United States. He had been a member of the convention that considered the ratification of the constitution, twice he had served as governor, twice he had been sent abroad as a minister, and he had been accredited to three great powers. He had held two places in the cabinet of Madison. With the traditions of those days, which regarded experience in political affairs a qualifi- cation for an exalted station, it was most natural that Monroe should become a candidate for the presidency. Eight years pi-eviously his fitness for the office had been often discussed. Now, in 1816, at the age of fifty-nine years, almost exactly the age at which Jefferson and Madison attained the same position, he was elected president of the United States, receiving 183 votes in the electoral college against 34 that were given for Rufus King, the candidate of the Federalists. He continued in this office until 1825. His second election in 1821 was made with almost complete unanimity, but one electoral vote being given against him. Dan- iel D. Tompkins was vice-president during both presidential terms. John Quincy Adams, John C. Calhoun, William H. Crawford, and William Wirt, were members of the cabinet during his entire ad- ministration. The principal subjects that engaged the attention of the president were the defences of the Atlantic seaboard, the promotion of internal improvements, the conduct of the Seminole war, the acquisition of Florida, the Missouri compro- mise, and the resistance to foreign interference in American affairs, formulated in a declaration that is called the " Monroe doctrine." Two social events marked the beginning and the end of his administration : first, his ceremonious visit to the principal cities of the north and south ; and second, the national reception of the Marquis de Lafayette who came to this country as the nation's guest. The purchase of the Floridas was brought to a successful issue, 22 Feb., 1819, by a treaty with Spain, concluded at Washington, and thus the con- trol of the entire Atlantic and Gulf seaboard, from the St. Croix to the Sabine, was secured to the United States. Monroe's influence in the contro- versies that preceded the Missouri compromise does not appear to have been very strong. He showed none of the boldness which Jefferson would have exhibited under similar circumstances. He took more interest in guiding the national policy with respect to internal improvements and the de- fence of the seaboard. He vetoed the Cumberland road bill, 4 May, 1822, on the ground that congress had no right to execute a system of internal im- provement ; but he held that if such powers could be secured by constitutional amendment good re- sults would follow. Even then he held that the general government should undertake only works of national significance, and should leave all mi- nor improvements to the separate states. There is no measure with which the name of Monroe is connected so important as his enunciation of " the Monroe doctrine." The words of this famous ut- terance constitute two paragraphs in the presi- dent's message of 2 Dec, 1823. In the first of these paragraphs he declares that the governments of Russia and Great Britain have been informed that the American continents henceforth are not to be considered subjects for future colonization by any European powers. In the second paragraph he says that the United States would consider any attempt on the part of the European powers to ex- tend their system to any portion of this hemi- sphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. He goes further, and says that if the governments es- tablished in North and South America who have declared their independence of European control should be interfered with by any European power, this interference would be regarded as the mani- festation of unfriendly disposition to the United States. These utterances were addressed especial- ly to Spain and Portugal. They undoubtedly ex- pressed the dominant sentiments of the people of the United States at the time they were uttered, and, moreoA'er, they embodied a doctrine which had been vaguely held in the days of Washington, and from that time to the administration of Mon- roe had been more and more clearly avowed. It has received the approval of successive administra- tions and of the foremost publicists and statesmen. The peace and prosperity of America have been greatly promoted by the declaration, almost uni- versally assented to. that European states are not to gain new dominion in America. For conve- nience of reference the two passages of the mes- sage are here quoted :

" At the proposal of the Russian imperial government, made through the minister of the emperor residing here, full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg, to arrange, by amicable negotiation, the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal had been made by his imperial majesty to the government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The government of the United States has been desirous, by this friendly proceeding, of manifesting the great Value which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the emperor, and their solicitude