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Rh William Grayson and George Mason. In one of his speeches, Monroe made an elaborate historical argument, based on the experience of Greece, Ger- many, Switzerland, and New England, against too firm consolidation, and he predicted conflict be- tween the state and national authorities, and the possibility that a president once elected might be elected for life. In another speech he endeavored to show that the rights of the western territoi-y would be less secure under the new constitution than they were under the confederation. He final- ly assented to the ratification on condition that certain amendments should be adopted. As late as 1816 he recurred to the fears of a monarchy, which he had entertained in 1788, and endeavored to show tnat they were not unreasonable. Under the new constitution the first choice of Virginia for senators fell upon Richard Henry Lee and William Grayson. Tlie latter died soon afterward, and Monroe was selected by the legislature to fill the vacant place. He took his seat in the senate, 6 Dec, 1790, and held the office until May, 1794, when he was sent as envoy to France. Among the Anti-Federalists he

took a prominent stand, and was one of the most determined opponents of the administration of Washington. To Hamilton he was especially hos- tile. The appointment of Gouverneur Morris to be minister to France, and of John Jay to be minister to England, seemed to him most objectionable. In- deed, he met all the Federalist attempts to organize a strong and efficient government with incredulity or with adverse criticism. It was therefore a great surprise to him, as well as to the public, that, while still a senator, he was designated the successor of Morris as minister to France. For this difficult place he was not the first choice of the president, nor the second ; but he was known to be favorably disposed toward the French government, and it was thought that he might lead to the establishment of friendly relations with that power, and, besides, there is no room to doubt that Washington desired, as John Quincy Adams has said, to hold the bal- ance between the parties at home by appointing Jay. the Federalist, to the English mission, and Monroe, the Rei^ublican, to the French mission. It was the intent of the United States to avoid a col- lision with any foreign power, but neutrality was in danger of being considered an offence by either France or England at any moment. Monroe ar- rived in Paris just after the fall of Robespierre, and in the excitement of the day he did not at once receive recognition from the committee of public safety. He therefore sent a letter to the president of the convention, and arrangements were made for his official reception, 15 Aug., 1794. At that time he addressed the convention in terms of great cordiality, but his enthusiasm led him beyond his discretion. He transcended the au- thority that had been given to him, and when his report reached the government at home Ran- dolph sent him a despatch, " in the frankness of friendship," criticising severely the course that the plenipotentiary had pursued. A little later the seci'etary took a more conciliatory tone, and Monroe believed he never would have spoken so severely if all the despatches from Paris had reached the United States in due order. The residence of Monroe in Fi'ance was a period of anxious responsibility, during which he did not succeed in recovering the confidence of the authori- ties at home. When Pickering succeeded Ran- dolph in the department of state. Monroe was in- formed that he was superseded by the appointment of Charles C. Pinckney. The letter of recall was dated 22 Aug., 1796. On his return he published a pamphlet of 500 pages, entitled " A View of the Conduct of the Executive " (Philadelphia, 1797), in which he printed his instructions, correspond- ence with the French and United States govern- ments, speeches, and letters received from American residents in Paris. This publication made a great stir. Washington, who had then retired from pub- lic life, appears to have remained quiet under the provocation, but he wrote upon his copy of the " View " animadversions that have since been pub- lished. Party feeling, already excited, became fiercer when Monroe's book appeared, and person- alities that have now lost their force were freely uttered on both sides. Under these circumstances Monroe became the hero of the Anti-Federalists, and was at once elected governor of Virginia. He held the office from 1799 till 1802. The most note- worthy occurrence during his administration was the suppression of a servile insurrection by which the city of Richmond was threatened. Monroe's star continued in the ascendant. After Thomas Jefferson's election to the presidency in 1801, an opportunity occurred for returning Mr. Monroe to the French mission, from which he had been re- called a few years previously. There were many reasons for believing that the United States could secure possession of the territory beyond the Mis- sissippi belonging to France. The American min- ister in Paris, Robert R Livingston, had already opened the negotiations, and Monroe was sent as an additional plenipotentiary to second, with his enthusiasm and energy, the effort that had been begun. By their joint efforts it came to pass that in the spring of 1803 a treaty was signed by which France gave up to the United States for a pecu- niary consideration the vast region then known as Louisiana. Livingston remarked to the plenipo- tentiaries after the treaty was signed : " We have lived long, but this is the noblest work of our lives." The story of the negotiations that termi- nated in this sale is full of romance. Bonaparte, Talleyrand, and Marbois were the representatives of France ; Jefferson, Livingston, and Monroe guided the interests of the United States. The French were in need of money and the Americans could afford to pay well for the control of the en- trance to the Mississippi. England stood ready to seize the coveted prize. The moment was opportune ; the negotiators on both sides were eager for the transfer. It did not take long to agree upon the consideration of 80,000,000 francs as the purchase-money, and the assent of Bonaparte was secured. " I have given to England," he said, exultingly, " a maritime rival that will sooner or later humble her pride." It is evident that the history of the United States has been largely influenced, by this transaction, which virtually extended the national domain from the mouth of the Mississippi river to the mouth of the Columbia. Monroe went from Paris to London, where he