Page:Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography (1892, volume 3).djvu/166

138 and the other Democratic, each claiming to have been elected by a majority of the popular vote. The presence of Federal troops at or near the respective state-houses had so far told in favor of the Republican claimants, while the Democratic claimants had the preponderance of support from the citizens of substance and influence. President Hayes was resolved that the upholding of local governments in the southern states by the armed forces of the United States must come to an end, and that, therefore, the Federal troops should be withdrawn from the position they then occupied; but he was at the same time anxious to have the change effected without any disturbance of the peace, and without imperilling the security or rights of any class of citizens. His plan was by conciliatory measures to put an end to the lawless commotions and distracting excitements that, ever since the close of the war, had kept a large part of the south in constant turmoil, and thus to open to that section a new career of peace and prosperity. He obtained from the southern leaders in congress assurances that they would use their whole influence for the maintenance of good order and the protection of the rights and security of all, and for a union of the people in a natural understanding that, as to their former antagonisms, by-gones should be treated as by-gones. To the same end he invited the rival governors of South Carolina, Daniel H. Chamberlain and Wade Hampton, to meet him in conference at Washington; and he appointed a commission composed of eminent gentlemen, Democrats as well as Republicans &mdash; Gen. Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut; Charles B. Lawrence, of Illinois; John M. Harlan, of Kentucky; Ex-Gov. John C. Brown, of Tennessee; and Wayne McVeagh, of Pennsylvania &mdash; to go to Louisiana and there to ascertain what were &ldquo;the real impediments to regular, loyal, and peaceful procedures under the laws and constitution of Louisiana,&rdquo; and further, by conciliatory influences, to endeavor to remove &ldquo;the obstacles to an acknowledgment of one government within the state,&rdquo; or, if that were found impracticable, at least &ldquo;to accomplish the recognition of a single legislature as the depositary of the representative will of the people of Louisiana.&rdquo; The two rival governors &mdash; S. B. Packard, Republican, and Francis T. Nichols, Democrat &mdash; stoutly maintained their respective claims; but the two legislatures united into one, a majority of the members of both houses, whose election was conceded on both sides, meeting and organizing under the auspices of the Nichols government. President Hayes, having received the necessary assurances of peace and goodwill, issued instructions to withdraw the troops of the United States from the state-house of South Carolina on 10 April, 1877, and from the state-house of Louisiana on 20 April, 1877, whereupon in South Carolina the state government passed peaceably into the hands of Wade Hampton, and in Louisiana into those of Francis T. Nichols. The course thus pursued by President Hayes was, in the north as well as in the south, heartily approved by a large majority of the people, to whom the many scandals springing from the interference of the general government in the internal affairs of the southern states had become very obnoxious, and who desired the southern states to be permitted to work out their own salvation. But this policy was also calculated to loosen the hold that the Republican party had upon the southern states, and was therefore severely criticised by many Republican politicians.

President Hayes began his administration with

earnest efforts for the reform of the civil service. In some of the departments competitive examinations were resumed for the appointment of clerks. In filling other offices, political influence found much less regard than had been the custom before. The pretension of senators and representatives that the &ldquo;patronage&rdquo; in their respective states and districts belonged to them was not recognized, although in many cases their advice was taken. The president's appointments were generally approved by public opinion, but he was blamed for appointing persons connected with the Louisiana returning-board. On 26 May, 1877, he addressed a letter to the secretary of the treasury, expressing the wish &ldquo;that the collection of the revenues should be free from partisan control, and organized on a strictly business basis, with the same guarantees for efficiency and fidelity in the selection of the chief and subordinate officers that would be required by a prudent merchant,&rdquo; and that &ldquo;party leaders should have no more influence in appointments than other equally respectable citizens.&rdquo; On 22 June, 1877, he issued the following executive order: &ldquo;No officer should be required or permitted to take part in the management of political organizations, caucases, conventions, or election campaigns. Their right to vote or to express their views on public questions, either orally or through the press, is not denied, provided it does not interfere with the discharge of their official duties. No assessment for political purposes, on officers or subordinates, should be allowed. This rule is applicable to every department of the civil service. It should be understood by every officer of the general government that he is expected to conform his conduct to its requirements.&rdquo; The policy thus indicated found much favor with the people generally, and not a few men in public life heartily approved of it. But the bulk of the professional politicians, who saw themselves threatened in their livelihood, and many members of congress, who looked upon government patronage as a part of their perquisites, and the distribution of offices among their adherents as the means by which to hold the party together and to maintain themselves in public office, became seriously alarmed and began a systematic warfare upon the president and his cabinet.

The administration was from the beginning surrounded with a variety of difficulties. Congress had adjourned on 3 March, 1877, without making the necessary appropriations for the support of the army, so that from 30 June the army would remain without pay until new provision could be made. The president, therefore, on 5 May, 1877, called an extra session of congress to meet on 15 Oct. But in the mean time a part of the army was needed for active service of a peculiarly trying kind. In July strikes broke out among the men employed upon railroads, beginning on the line of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad and then rapidly spreading over a large part of the northern states. It is estimated that at one time more than 100,000 men were out. Grave disorders occurred, and the president found himself appealed to by the governors of West Virginia, of Maryland, and of Pennsylvania to aid them with the Federal power in suppressing domestic violence, which the authorities of their respective states were not able to master. He issued his proclamations on 18, 21, and 23 July, and sent into the above-mentioned states such detachments of the Federal army as were available. Other detachments were ordered to Chicago. Whenever the troops of the United States appeared, however