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380 U. S. senate, but has failed of adoption in the house of representatives. From first to last, Washington's influence in conciliating all differences of opinion in regard to the rightful inter- pretation and execution of the new con- stitution was most effective. The recently printed jour- nal of Wiiliam Maclay, a sena- tor from Penn- sylvania in the 1st congress, says, in allu- sion to some early contro- versies : " The president'sam- lable deport- ment, however, smoothes and sweetens everything." Count Moustier, the French minister, in writing home to his government, five weeks after the inauguration, says : " The opinion of Gen. Washington was of such weight that it alone contributed more than any other measure to cause the present constitution to be adopted. The extreme confidence in his patriotism, his integrity, and his intelligence, forms to-day its principal support. . . . All is hushed in presence of the trust of the people in the saviour of the country." Wash- ington had to confront not a few of the same per- plexities that all his successors have experienced in a still greater degree in regard to appoint- ments to office. But at the earliest moment he adopted rules and principles on this subject which might well be commended to presidents and gov- ernors in later days. In a letter to his friend, James Bowdoin, of Massachusetts, bearing date 9 May, 1789, less than six weeks after his inaugura- tion, he used language that might fitly serve as an introduction to the civil-service reform manual of the present hour. " No part of my duty," he says, " will be more delicate, and in many instances more unpleasing, than that of nominating or ap- pointing persons to office. It will undoubtedly often happen that there will be several candidates for the same office, whose pretensions, ability, and integrity may be nearly equal, and who will come forward so equally supported in every respect as almost to require the aid of supernatural intuition to fix upon the right. I shall, however, in all events, have the satisfaction to reflect that 1 en- tered upon my administration unconfined by a single engagement, uninfluenced by any ties of blood or friendship, and with the best intentions and fullest determination to nominate to office those persons only who, upon every consideration, were the most deserving, and who would probably execute their several functions to the interest and credit of the American Union, if such characters could be found by my exploring every avenue of information respecting their merits and pretensions that it was in my power to obtain." Appointing Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, as his secretary of state ; Alexander Hamilton, of New York, as his secretary of the treasury : and Henry Knox, of Massachusetts, as his secretary of war, lie gave clear indication at the outset that no sectional in- terests or prejudices were to control or shape his policy. Under Jefferson, the foreign affairs of the country were administered with great discretion and ability. Under Hamilton, the financial af- fairs of the country were extricated from the con- fusion and chaos into which they had fallen, and the national credit established on a firm basis. The preamble of the very first revenue bill, signed by Washington on 4 July, 1789, was a notable ex- pression of the views entertained in regard to the powers and duties of the new government in the regulation of trade and the laying and collect- ing of taxes : " Whereas, it is necessary for the support of government, for the discharge of the debts of the United States, and the encouragement and protection of manufacturers, that duties be laid on goods, wares, and merchandise imported, Be it enacted, etc." The incorporation of a na- tional bank and kindred measures of the highest interest soon followed. The supreme court of the United States was organized with John Jay as its first chief justice. Important amendments to the constitution were framed and recommended to the states for adoption, and congress continued in ses- sion till the close of September.

But in the course of the summer Washington had a severe illness, and for some days his life was thought to be in danger. Confined to his bed for six weeks, it was more than twelve weeks before he was restored. With a view to the re- establishment of his health, as well as for seeing the country, he then set off on a tour to the east- ern states, and visited Boston, Portsmouth, New Haven, and other places. He was welcomed every- where with unbounded enthusiasm. No " royal progress " in any country ever equalled this tour in its demonstrations of veneration and affection. A similar tour with the same manifestations was made by him in the southern states the next year. As the four years of his first term drew to an end, he was seriously inclined to withdraw from further public service, but Jefferson and Hamilton alike, with all their respective follow- ers, while they differed widely on so many other matters, were of one mind in earnestly remon- strating against Washington's retirement. " The confidence of the whole country," wrote Jeffer- son, "is centred in you. . . . North and south will hang together if they have you to hang on." " It is clear, wrote Hamilton, " that if you con- tinue in office nothing materially mischievous is to be apprehended ; if you quit, much is to be dreaded. ... I trust, and I pray God, that you will determine to make a further sacrifice of your tranquillity and happiness to the public good." Washington could not find it in his heart to resist such appeals, and allowed himself to be again a candidate. He was chosen unanimously by the electors, and took the oath of office again on 4 March, 1793. He had but just entered on this sec- ond term of the presidency when the news reached him that France had declared war against England and Holland. He lost no time in announcing his purpose to maintain a strict neutrality toward t lie belligerent powers, and this policy was unani- mously sustained by his cabinet. His famous proclamation of neutrality was accordingly issued on 22 April, and soon became the subject of violent partisan controversy throughout the Union. It gave occasion to the masterly essays of Hamilton and Madison, under the signatures of " Pacificus " and "Helvidius," and contributed more than any- thing else, perhaps, to the original formation of the Federal and Republican parties. The wisdom of Washington was abundantly justified by the progress of events, but he did not escape the as- saults of partisan bitterness. Mr. Jay, still chief