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Rh it is one in the light of which every special welfare plan may be safely tested. It is this—In these larger concerns wage earners from now on must be made to understand that the business is in some sense theirs; that they shall have their own genuine representation in the management. The beginnings will be very modest, but they must be so open and free from dissembling, as to give labor faith enough to warrant its own coöperation. It is because these beginnings must be so modest, that the door should be fearlessly open to as much increased labor representation as results justify.

This principle of a progressive participation of labor in management, forces the frankest "recognition" that every party concerned must be taken (through its representatives) into the inner councils. This involves a publicity of business method and conditions which labor and the public now demand. The suspicions of the public are nearly as aggressive as those of labor. Not a month passes that this suspicion does not deepen.

The most impelling purpose in the movement called Syndicalism is its powerful, half-blind urgency toward the democratizing of economic power in the world. From now on politics will more and more be used to this end. As the old enemies, Democrat and Republican, in Milwaukee fall into each other's arms in order to drive Socialists from the City Hall, we shall elsewhere see the larger interests of property oblivious of old party lines, uniting in their defense against the general socialist encroachment. This encroachment is impulsive: it is not sagacious but it rises higher and