Page:American Journal of Sociology Volume 6.djvu/145

 NO TES AND ABSTRA CTS 1 3 1

production, and quickening communication, have completely upset the old organiza- tion on the basis of status ; and, inaugurating the system of free contract, have now begun to result in the elimination of the middle classes, the small producers and traders, who from time immemorial have been the backbone of commerce, and to compel them to swell the unstable crowd of salaried workers under the dominance of a few shrewd and strong-handed captains of industry. That this situation has become very precarious is witnessed to by the rapid rise, in recent years, in all parts of Europe, of socialist, anarchist, trade-union, "cooperative," and other labor movements.

Socialism, which is rapidly gaining ground, is a more or less blind reaction .against laissez-faire, and a grouping for a principle and a condition of stability and authority consistent with freedom. The form in which this purpose is stated is two- fold, viz.: (i) the nationalization of the soil and the instruments of production, (2) the organization of labor and the distribution of its products by the state. But the pur- pose, carried out in this form, would defeat itself by the suppression of all initiative and all liberty, because it provides no adequate way of educating and thoroughly modifying the natures of the individuals to fit them for such a condition.

But parallel to this socialist movement is the general labor-union movement throughout Europe, which is instinctively turning toward that general form of organi- zation by trades and professions which characterized the days of the guilds. This movement, guided by, and given part in, a wise state legislation, we believe to be an effective antidote to the vagaries of socialism, and the only rational basis on which to found the representative institutions of modern democracy. These trade organiza- tions of the Middle Ages had for their chief principles the protection of all working- men against the encroachments of the stronger and more skillful, and in general against all enterprises of speculation, by the establishment of fraternal relations between masters and workmen. They succeeded in insuring to the people (i) a legitimate influence in the questions of wages and conditions of labor, (2) an efficient guarantee against slack work, accidents, and sickness, and (3) the enjoyment of a common patrimony, insuring to them a dignified standing in the community, the representation of their true interests, and security in old age. The advantages of this .corporate regime have not been given an equivalent substitute by the modern doc- trines of popular sovereignty and universal suffrage, which is carried out too often merely in name rather than in spirit. We must have an intelligent governmental encouragement of the trade-union movement.

I. In England such encouragement and direction is farthest advanced. Aside from the advantages of the principles of collective bargaining, mutual insurance, and sliding wage scales, worked out chiefly through the efforts of the unions, Parliament has, by a series of laws since 1875, established the privileges of: 56^ hours as the working week for adults ; Sunday rest ; special labor rules for women and chil- dren; a minimum wage for all work for the state, for cities, and for pubHc corpora- tions ; and employers' insurance of employe's in cases of injury incurred while the latter are at work.

II. In Germany the labor corporations have developed under very different con- ditions ; having never become thoroughly legalized as in England, so in Germany employers' insurance and other labor benefits are granted. Yet, in contrast to the' English law, the German gives the workmen the right only to present petitions upon the rates of wages and decisions made by the employers. But it suppresses the right of the laborers to assemble and freely discuss the conditions of the contracts of their employment. To be treated as men, therefore, is the keynote of the German labor movement.

III. The Austrian parliament has in recent years thoroughly reconstituted the labor laws of that country. Sickness, age, and other similar benefit laws are based on those of Germany ; but, in contrast to the German law, workmen and employers are given opportunity to regulate jointly the conditions of production.

IV. In Belgium, as well as in Austria, the corporate movement is characterized by the formation of strong organizations among the employers ; but the forces of the labor organizations have been turned largely into the current of socialism.

VI. In France nothing of much consequence has been done to assist the labor and trade unions to form effective organizations. M. CH. LE COUR GRANDMAISON, " Le mouvement corporatif en Europe," in Revue des Deux Mondes, February 15, 1900.