Page:American Journal of Sociology Volume 5.djvu/579

 NOTES AND ABSTRACTS 563

one which has developed spontaneously in France; that it inspired with a new gospel such men as John Stuart -Mill and the Christian socialists in England ; and that it has resulted in some of the most justly celebrated enterprises in the world, such as the Farailistfere de Guise, the Maison Leclaire, and, in certain respects, even the Magasin du Bon March^. Cooperative production in France, however, has had a checkered history, owing to political setbacks. The principle of the first society, founded in 1833, was to forego any division of profits among members, and devote profits in a lump sum to the creation of an inalienable and perpetual social capital. But the revolution of 1848 really marks the rise of the cooperative movement in France. Over two hundred societies were formed almost simultaneously with the movement for the political sovereignty of the people. Napoleon's coupd'^tat {in 1851) and the opening of the imperial regime, with the suppression of the right of association and of reunion, influenced decisively the failure of the majority of these societies. A second time the movement revived in 1863-6, most of the organizations being based upon institutions of credit which should make the necessary advances of capital. This second effort was cut short by the war of 1870, the insurrection of the commune, and the dispersion of the socialists which followed. Once more, during the last fifteen years, the work of reorganization has been taken up. Within the last two years sixty societies have been founded, and 1900 will probably see three hundred in the field.

II. The specific types of French productive cooperation are : the self-supporting, the corporate, the semi-patronal, the "integral," and the agricultural. (l) In the self- supporting workshops all members of the association must be at the same time share- holders and workmen, i. e., all the capital must (theoretically) be furnished by laborers employed by the association. This rule has not been strictly adhered to, some of the societies becoming close corporations of wealthy employers, with associate candidates for membership. (2) The corporate associations, organized to give employment to all workmen in a given trade, and gradually to supplant all employers in that trade (virtually the program of Louis Blanc), have come to serve rather, with a few con- spicuous exceptions (Ouvriers Fabricants de Voitures, La Verr^rie Ouvrifere, etc.), as workshops for the unemployed. (3) The semi-patronal associations owe their initiative to some philanthropic employer, who, beginning with the introduction into his factory of profit-sharing, has gradually transformed this profit-sharing into a copartnership, and has finally himself retired, transferring the ownership of his factory to his employes, under such regulations as he has himself drawn up. The manager or managers are elected generally for life, with a share of the profits. Of this type are the three celebrated enterprises mentioned first, the latter, the Magasin du Bon March^, transacting busi- ness to the amount of 180,000,000 francs annually. (4) The Association Int^grale (so called), of recent date, is characterized by its method of employing outside capital, not only in the form of loans, but in the form of capital associe (by actions, and not by obligations). This type of association is denounced as traitorous by all cooperators loyal to the old ideal of self-supporting and self-governing cooperation.

III. The relations of productive associations with distributive associations in France are verj- much out of joint. There is a tendency at present, however, to adjust these relations on the plan often successfully practiced in England, whereby the dis- tributive societies receive a share in the profits and in turn furnish a market for the productive societies.

IV. The privileges accorded associations of producers are chiefly of four kinds: (i) state aid ol from 140,000 to 150,000 francs annually to be distributed in small sums as subsidies ; (2) privileges in undertaking public works. These are (a) preference over individual employers in the award of contracts where the terms offered are equal ; (b) the right to dispense with the formalities of a public adjudication, and to contract privately with the state for awards of small importance ; (<r) exemption from the necessity of furnishing security according to the usual practice, when, however, the contract involves less than 50,000 francs; and (d) the special right to be paid as the work is done, every fifteen days. This last provision, the most precious of all for asso- ciations of producers, is scarcely ever punctually observed. Other privileges are : (3) the Rampal Foundation of 1,400,000 francs for loans by the city of Paris to asso- ciations of workingmen; (4) the Cooperative Associations' Bank, established in 1893, and loaning 2,000,000 francs annually to some fifty associations.

V. Achieved results and prospective future. — Though associations of producers are