Page:American Journal of Sociology Volume 4.djvu/579

 NOTES AND ABSTRACTS 559

to the escaping criminals would be repugnant to the public sense of our civilization, and soon result in an outcry against the plan and insistence that they be turned in again within the proper inclosures where prisoners are usually confined. The crime and crmiinals of a state do in some proper sense constitute 'the skeleton in the closet' of the public family, and ought to be kept in the closet, never unnecessarily exhibited to the public gaze.

" Most of the prisoners in this country, in the densely populated and eastern and middle states at least, come from and will return to the cities. They should be trained to such occupation as will enable them to earn a living where they will prob- ably reside. The teaching of trades, carefully selected according to the adaptation and forecast of circumstances for the prisoner himself, should be carried on completely for every prisoner who may probably be reclaimed. A considerable class of criminals are so defective that they must always belong to the dependent or dangerous classes, and these should be reclused.not for punishment, but for treatment for the public pro- tection by their continued detention, except those that may possibly be restored. The remainder of prisoners will not be a majority of them by any means, and, under the conditions of this country, while a few of them, carefully selected, may be temporarily or occasionally employed on such work as the German writer mentions, the most of this remaining, apparently incorrigible class might be employed best at productive mechanical work, if the state will allow it, at some coarse industries to be acquired by purchase, and to be forever after held as state mechanical work, with which no citizen of the state has a right to interfere ; or, as is done in this New York state at present very successfully, they mav be employed in the production of useful articles for penal and charitable institutions', and certain supplies for public use of civil divisions of the state. Very truly yours,

Z. R. Brockway."

Disarmament.— The circular of August 24, 1898, addressed to the representa- tives of the powers, by order of Nicholas II of Russia, marks an important date in history. It is the first time since the era of atrocious butcheries lasting from 1854 to 1871 that one sincere word of peace has been uttered by the chief of a great military state. The circular amounts to a suggestion that in future there be no addition to present existing armaments. The major portion of the laudatory comment it has received has been directed toward the motives of its author rather than toward the practical value of the suggestion itself. The socialist, upon the other hand, is inclined to leave to one side all consideration of motive, and to attend sharply to the probable bearing of the circular upon the trend of events, with special reference to the programme of reform to which socialism stands pledged. He does not befool himself with the abortive hope that governments which are but the sorry masks, or, at most, the pitiful puppets, of a ruling class will meet the proposals of Nicholas II in good faith. National hatreds, quarrels, and bickerings ; popular prejudices, hostilities, dis- cussions — these are essential to the maintenance of power by the ruling class of today. That it should joyfully gather about the altar of universal concord is not among the possibilities of a future so startingly immediate as to be unhealthfully exciting. The socialist is wasting little time in pink-hued day-dreams as to how pretty things will be in a few weeks when the powers shall have had time to favor- ably consider the Czar's proposal. In a Europe of iron and fire such dreamings are perceptibly ill-timed. On the contrary, he sees in the Czar's circular a means of bringing into prominent notice before whole classes of people, who would otherwise have scorned to give it a moment's thought, an important part of the socialist pro- gramme, i. <■., the abolishment of government by force. He sees in the possible out- come of the deliberations of any commission or convention called to consider the Czar's suggestion a powerful aid to the socialist cause. Should the proposition be favorably received — a most unlikely thing ! — the people, freed from the stultifying and debasing power of the barracks — a power whose vile influence does not cease to be felt short of the primary school and the infant's cradle — will be fitted, mentally and economically, for a better understanding of the socialist programme and for a readier acceptance of its practicable implications. Should the proposition fail of consideration, or meet with unfavorable consideration, then, too, will the socialist cause be helped. For once again will have been demonstrated the unwillingness or inability