Page:American Journal of Sociology Volume 1.djvu/71

 Rh Though the present movement expends most of its effort in the "practical application of Christianity to the purposes of trade and commerce," yet its fundamental conception is a much broader one. The perception is being reached that such efforts as coöperative societies, conciliation boards, and the many social amelioratives they advocate, are after all only expedients. In the developing conception socialism is conceived as a theory of life, not of economics only. But it is to be noted that this is still principle—not a status. Society is represented as an organism of mutually dependent parts, not as an aggregate of warring atoms. In contrast with individualism which regards man as laboring against man for private gain, it regards man as working with man for a common end. Individualism is based upon the theory that in the pursuit of private interests by each, the highest common good is produced: Christian socialism, as indeed all socialism, is based upon the theorv that in the status perceived to be best for the race or group, the individual will find the most complete development. This, however, is the subjective view to be presented later.

It is to be admitted that upon some such general principle many if not most Christian socialists accept indiscriminately any and all programmes for social amelioration which savor of the vox populi sentiment. The inconsistency of this does not need to be pointed out. Not only is it "unscientific," it lacks common sense. For example in a tract on "What Christian Socialism Is" the Christian socialist programme is outlined as follows: "It would aid the eight-hour movement;—would favor direct legislation, through the initiative, the referendum and proportionate legislation, purging our politics of corruption, breaking down the machine, and teaching the people self-government. It would emancipate woman as well as man. It would develop true municipalization as is being done in Birmingham, Glasgow, London, Berlin and other cities. It would have the city employ the unemployed in ways not to compete with present labor. It would have the cities obtain funds for doing this by conducting gas works, surface railroads, etc., for a profit for the city, instead