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Rh enter a "free contract" would work under existing conditions in white lead or linen. The lives of these unfortunate workers do not rank among expenses of production. (2) The distribution of the work. If shared among a large number of able-bodied workers during a reasonably short working day, the cost may be light. If sweated out of a small number of enfeebled workers, driven to a high intensity of effort during a long working day, the cost is immeasurably greater. (3) The capacities of the workers. Labor which involved but a slight painful effort on adult males during a normal working day, may involve a far heavier subjective "cost" if it is executed under similar conditions by women or children.

A corresponding analysis must be applied to economic "utility." We must know: (1) What the goods and services are. Adulterated foods, shoddy clothing, bad books, pernicious art, snobbish personal services, rank as wealth among the ignorant, vicious and vulgar. (2) Who will get the use of them. If each portion of the goods of a nation goes to satisfy the most real and urgent want, it attains its maximum value in a given condition of society, if it goes otherwise, there is waste. So long as any member of the community is without a "necessary," the distribution which assigns to any other member a "comfort" involves a net waste from the social standpoint. (3) How far consumers are capable of getting the highest use out of them. None of the higher or more refined kinds of modern commodities would have any "value" for a barbarous race, however rightly distributed; you may increase the wealth of a nation far more effectively by educating the consumer than by increasing the efficiency of the producer. Individual economics is the science of the relations between efforts and satisfactions for an individual. Social economics is the science of the relations between efforts and satisfactions for a society. Ruskin's work will some time be recognized as the hrst serious attempt in England to lay down a scientific basis of economic study from the social standpoint. (, in The Economic Review, January 1896. London: Rivington, Percival & Co.)

The New Administration of French Mutual Benefit Societies.—The first mutual benefit societies appeared in the 12th century. They were discouraged after the Revolution, but restored and encouraged under the Empire. In 1850 they were placed under the surveillance and protection of the municipal authorities. In 1851 they were required to report to the administrative authorities. In 1852 the establishment of a society in each commune was encouraged. Recent legislation requires the associations to submit to rigid inspection by actuaries appointed by the Minister of Commerce, and to conform to general regulations as to distribution of benefits, etc. The new regulations have been strongly opposed by many of the association leaders; but not until scientific methods have been adopted, instead of the obsolete regulations which have lead to impotence in action and sterility of results, can the success which the American Societies have attained to be expected. The progress of the societies in the past is shown by the following statistics: In 1789, there were 13 societies; in 1800, 45 societies; 1815, 59 societies; 1822, 132 societies, 11,000 members; 1830, 496 societies; 1848, 1584 societies; 1852, 2438 societies, 250,000 members, resources 11,000,000 f.; 1872,5793 societies, 800,000 members; 1882, 6525 societies, 1,000,000 members; 1887, resources, 154,000,000 f.; 1892, about 9600 societies, more than 1,500,000 members, resources, about 183,000,000 f. ( in Journal des Economistes.—January 1896. Paris: Librairie Guillaumin et Cie).

The Exclusion of Married Women from Factories.—In 1894, more than 39 percent, of all industrial laborers were employed in factories of the textile industry. Such factories have always employed an absolutely and also relatively large number of married women. Married women are also found in the metal and wood works, brick kilns, etc. All other movements for the amelioration of the condition of the working classes depend upon reform here.

Statistical exhibits and analyses are given, showing the numbers and proportions of married women and widowed or divorced women having small children in various English and German factories. In Saxony the number of working women increased from 84,260 in 1883 to 135,903 in 1894; but the proportion to the total number of laborers decreased from 34.9 per cent, in 1883 to 33.6 per cent, in 1894. The