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 Tlic Sifted Grai)i and tlic Grain Sifters 2 3 1 to the Hon. Solomon Lincoln, of Hingham, a prominent constituent of his, Mr. Adams made the following incidental reference to the whole subject, indicative of the degree to which the question of martial law as a possible factor in the solution of the problem then occupied his mind : "The new pretentions of the Slave representation in Congress, of a right to refuse to receive Petitions, and that Congress have no Constitu- tional power to abolish slavery or the slave trade in the District of Colum- bia forced upon me so much of the discussion as I did take upon me, but in which you are well aware I did not and could not speak a tenth part of my mind. I did not, for example, start the question whether by the Law of God and of Nature man can hold property, hereditary prop- erty in man — I did not start the question whether in the event of a servile insurrection and War, Congress would not have complete, unlim- ited control over the whole subject of slavery even to the emancipation of all the slaves in the State where such insurrection should break out, and for the suppression of which the freemen in Plymouth and Norfolk Counties, Massachusetts, should be called by Acts of Congress to pour out their treasures and to shed their blood. Had I spoken my mind on those two points the sturdiest of the abolitionists would have disavowed the sentiments of their champion." A little more than seven weeks after thus writing, Mr. Adams made the following entries in his diary : May 2£th. "At the House, the motion of Robertson, to recommit Pinckney's slavery report, with instructions to report a resolution de- claring that Congress has no constitutional authority to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, as an amendment to the motion for print- ing an extra number of the report, was first considered. Robertson fin- ished his speech, which was vehement. . . . " Immediately after the conclusion of Robertson's speech I addressed the Speaker, but he gave the floor to Owens, of Georgia, one of the signing members of the committee, who moved the previous question, and refused to withdraw it. It was seconded and carried, by yeas and nays. . . . " The hour of one came, and the order of the day was called — a joint resolution from the Senate, authorizing the President to cause rations to be furnished to suffering fugitives from Indian hostilities in Alabama and Georgia. Committee of the whole on the Union, and a debate of five hours, in which I made a speech of about an hour, wherein I opened the whole subject of the Mexican, Indian, negro, and English war." It was in the course of this speech that Mr. Adams first enunciated the principle of emancipation through martial law, exercised under the Constitution in time of war. He did so in the following passage : " Mr. Chairman, are you ready for all these wars? A Mexican war? A war with Great Britain if not with France? A general Indian war? A servile war? And, as an inevitable consequence of them all, a civil war? For it must ultimately terminate in a war of colors as well as of races. And do you imagine that, while with your eyes open you are wilfully kindling, and then closing your eyes and blindly rushing into them ; do you imagine that while in the very nature of things, your own