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 the aid of the guillotine, in accordance with their abstract ideas of what is good and right. If the negro has always been subject to the races in juxtaposition with which lie was found, we must take note of the, fact and deal accordingly. How different has it been with the other great races we find in this country! The Caucasian, starting from the plateaus of Central Asia, has in turn inoculated all the great empires of the world with it civilization. The Brahmins of India, the founders of the Chinese Empire, the greatness of Babylon and of Ninevah, the glory of Tyre and of Sidon, the pride of Egypt, the wealth of Carthage, and the power of Rome, in fact all the civilizations, as you follow the Caucasian tribes westward through Germany, France, England, and to this country, are owing to the great Arian or Teutonic stock. To them is the world indebted for its budget of ideas, for its material comforts, for its religion.

As we have, now, face to face, in this country, the Africans on one side, the different branches of the Teutonic race on the other, we ask whether the superior is to be sacrificed to the inferior; whether in a fanatical rage for an equality which does not exist; whether with an insane idea of elevating the negro to a level which he has never reached, a vital stab is to be given to the civilization of the world? The abolitionists of this country wish to do nothing less for the negro than Robespierre sought to do for a branch of the white race in France. They wish, by the aid of John Brown's pikes, to do what the French convention sought to effect by the guillotine. The effort in France resulted in anarchy and blood without attaining the object. How evident, then, the insanity of those who are drifting toward that same sea of blood in behalf of a race upon which the creator has stamped an eternal inferiority. But while holding these views, it does not warrant any ill treatment of this faithful, good-hearted, simple-minded people. They are here. We must do that which is best for them and us under all the circumstances. But we would not be excused in bearing from the soil and clime to which God has created them, these children of another land and another sun. It is a crime against nature to steal them from the soil and clime of Africa, to carry them through the untold horrors of "the middle passage," to a continent where they cannot have the development which the divinity fore-ordained. As each race has its own civilization, so we may hope that in the good time of Providence there may yet develop in Africa the civilization which belongs to the negro. Thousands of years hence, they may yet astonish the world by a civilization corresponding to their active imagination, their acute physical senses and their peculiarities of obedience and devotion. Meanwhile we—who are as the sands of the sea-shore, and who are as the flies that are born in the morning and in the evening die—we, creatures who exist but for a moment of time upon earth, must deal with things as they are now—must take the negro as we find him—must do the best possible for him, and for us, when we find ourselves without act of our own, in juxtaposition. This is the rational and practical mode of dealing with the subject, but it is not that selected by the leaders of the opposition. The brains of this party we find in Boston; regarding Wendall Phillips, Emerson, Theodore Parker, Whipple and others, as the teachers of the Republican party. They are somewhat in advance, to be sure, but they are leaders. Thirty years ago they occupied a position which has been since officially assumed by the Republican party. Twenty years hence the Republican party will occupy the advanced positions now held by these brilliant leaders. Thirty years ago a practical abolitionist could scarcely lecture in any town or city of this country, without the