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 country, and satisfaction of the people; and the State was afterwards readily and fully reimbursed by a small fee upon the countless land transfers that followed.

For many preceding years a theoretical jangle had been kept up as to how far such facilities would promote small landholding, and as to the advantage of such landholding, and so on. But the State's chief concern and duty in the matter was simply to remove obstruction. The marked and prompt result of this removal was, that the land fell freely to those hands which could use it to most purpose, and that the whole country acquired, in consequence, a decided impetus to its forward pace and prosperity.

Other great questions did beset us, continued the president. Should there be nationalization of the land, or even, as a less extreme alternative, a coercive limitation of landholding, in our comparatively narrow and crowded area? Provocation for intervention was not wanting, more especially in that partial and hugely unequal landholding and distribution of wealth, which the public law had still fostered, long after the circumstances of society had belied it. The ancient baron, on his great estate, had five hundred retainers, ready to turn out with their lordly head to the battle-field. But the modern lord had turned all these into domestics, who, in their modern emasculation, kept their master's palace and kitchen gardens, and cooked his dinner. But now the entire abolition of the law's injurious fostering restrictions was deemed sufficient. He was happy to record the moderation and good practical common sense with which his co-unionists opposed all extreme and