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 whole, the voice of the newspapers was thoroughly patriotic.

But if there were few sympathizers with France in Britain, there were many in Ireland. Ireland still had real grievances, though during the last thirty years they had steadily been removed. She had shown little gratitude for their removal, and many Irishmen had openly sympathized with the American rebellion. In 1782 her Parliament had been declared to be absolutely free from the control of the British Parliament, and there was therefore a real danger that Ireland might refuse to go to war to help Great Britain. The Catholics were still shut out from this Parliament; but, excepting in Ulster, nearly all the poorer Irishmen were Catholics. Pitt, as I told you, wanted to admit Catholics to both Parliaments; but it was not the time to make such a great change, when Britain was in the middle of a dangerous war, and when the mass of the Irish peasants, poor, disloyal and ignorant, were quite ready to welcome a French invasion of Ireland. From 1795 there was almost a state of civil war between Irish Protestants and Catholics; and, in 1798, the latter openly rebelled. England had very few troops to spare, and the rebellion took nearly a year to put down. French invasion was hourly expected, though only once a very few French troops were able to land. When the rebellion was over, Pitt rightly decided that the best thing for both countries was to abolish the Irish Parliament, and to make one united Parliament for the two islands (1800). In this united Parliament Pitt intended to allow the Catholics to sit; but King George foolishly and obstinately refused to agree, and so Pitt had to resign the office of Prime Minister, which he had held for eighteen years.