Page:A PV-2243-EN.pdf/12

170

General Assembly-Twenty-ninth Session-Plenary Meetings

full use of the United Nations in the entire range of human concerns.

121. As the problems become progressively more acute, the need for effective solutions becomes more urgent. Some of the sense of urgency and the strong feeling of interdependence assured by the sixth special session of the General Assembly last April still remain. Our task is to maintain the momentum

generated by the special session and to continue to foster the spirit of interdependence arising out of the very seriousness of the problems which confront us. 122. But a fundamental element seems to be missing. In a rare note of pessimism, the Secretary-General predicted that perhaps the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly will be in the grip of a crisis of helplessness. A deficiency in determination, a lack of political will, delays the Assembly from taking the required courses of action that could lead to firm decisions. I suggest that this deficiency may also arise from the shortcomings of the Charter itself-a Charter which, as I shall presently explain, contributes to a sense of division rather than of harmony in the context of today's realities. My delegation therefore welcomes the recommendation of the General Committee that item 95 entitled "Need to consider suggestions regarding the review of the Charter of the United Nations: report of the Secretary-General" should be retained on this year's agenda. 123. Over the past 30 years, events and long-term developments have imposed the conclusion that the structure and processes adopted at the end of the last world war by the victorious allies very quickly lost their relevance and validity. I speak as one of the original signatories of the Charter in 1945 at the San Francisco Conference. The ideological confrontation destroyed the possibility of unanimity among the five permanent members of the Security Council, and their veto power was transformed from a guarantee of international unity into an instrument for the protection of national interests. 124. It is needless to review, for all of us remember, the various conflicts, large and smal1, brief or protracted, for which the Organization, under its present Charter, was unable to find a solution, much less to enforce one. More and more often, solutions have been sought, and sometimes found, outside the framework of what was originally conceived to be the unchallengeable arbiter of the world's disputes. 125. Perhaps the original ideal was impractical, beyond the possibility of realization in a world of sovereign States. All the more reason, then, to undertake a serious and continuing review and revision of the structure and procedures of the Organization. The last of the Western colonial empires is now in liquidation; the emancipated nations have almost tripled the membership of the United Nations, while the former metropolitan Powers, which could formerly presume to represent their millions of subjects, can now speak only for themselves. On the other hand, it is perhaps understandable that they should seek protection against what may appear to them to be the tyranny of numbers at a time of a proliferation of States in various stages of develop-

ment but all equal1y jealous of their equality in the vote. 126. Few wil1 deny that the United Nations has devised ingenious procedures to overcome the in-

herent limitations of the present Charter. It has broadened the scope of its activities to cover a wide

spectrum of issues which the founders of the Organ. ization never anticipated. Still, for our time, the Charter fails to reach the heart of the matter, which is the disturbing division between the developing and developed countries, or, to put it more bluntly, the few rich and the many poor. Never in the history of the United Nations has that division been more apparent that it is today. 127. The paramount need of the United Nations is a Charter which provides the institutional means for reconciling the two sides, for bridging the gap between them, and for inducing them to co-operate, instead of deepening the distrust in which they hold one another. On these terms alone if no other, there is, I submit, little to be lost if we place the provisions of the Charter under continuing review, to study how they work and have worked in the past and, above all, to explore the possibilities of bringing l

them more in accord with present realities. 128. It is disheartening to see the United Nations

unable for all these long years to put an end to the Palestinian problem, to the apartheid regime in South Africa, to the illegitimate occupation of Namibia, to so many other situations that haunt session after session of the General Assembly like ghosts that can neither be buried nor forgotten. 129. It is disillusioning to see the United Nations playing no direct part in reshaping the international monetary system.

130. It is deeply dismaying to realize that the United Nations, for all the bright promises of its Charter and declarations and proclamations, is unable to do more to protect the human rights of millions of human beings. No doubt, there are serious legal and political difficulties to be faced in any study or revision of the Charter. Such a revision might even entail its renegotiation. Any fundamental change is painful and calls for much thought and heart-searching; but when change is needed for survival, it is inevitable. 131. Allow me to illustrate this with an, example from our own national experience in the Philippines. Two years ago, almost to this very date, the President of our country placed it under martial law. It Was within his constitutional powers to do so, as the Supreme Court of the Republic decided only last week; but it was also a very drastic, even revo-

lutionary measure, for it meant a fundamental change, a radical revision of our political and social structure and institutions which had been part of our way of life since the proclamation of our independence in 1946-almost the same length of time as the United Nations has existed-and, indeed, for about 40 years before that. 132. The change was a shock; it was agonizingly painful to many; but it worked, and it is working. It forestalled a revolution that, after all, sought only the samegoals; it staved off financial ruin; it restored peace and 'promised social order. Above all, it worked because it brought the constitutional and govern-

mental politica

that ha them f, 133. 1 have a almost when i signific

be equ sistent radical destins port, :: a cont sion (

thereo 134. the 01 the w now

j

sub se, purpo tions.

politic come

possil We fu we ce devel.

135. seare! at sa

their shoul probl fore. we hi we n dismi

Neve clarit acce]

Inter Inevi

for I twen

136. publ fore Mini

Alge of tl and Rep of t the SPOl

137. inte

peo pos: inte of hi