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Lord Castlereagh's papers embody the reasons that influenced him in differing from the vast body of his countrymen on such a vital question : " The times require that we should, if possible, strengthen the Empire as well as this Kingdom. We at present require, and shall continue, I fear, to require, a larger military force than our own resources can supply. There can be little doubt that a union, on fair and liberal principles, effected with the good will of both Kingdoms, would strengthen the Empire ; and there can be as little question that Ireland would be more secure were the resources of England pledged to her by incorporation than, as they are at present, but as a favour. The complexion of our internal system is most unpleasant; it is strongly tinctured with religious ani- mosity, and likely to become more so. United with England, the Protestants, feeling less exposed, would become more confident and liberal ; and the Catholics would have less inducement to look beyond that indulgence which is consistent with the security of our establishments. . . A provincial legislature and a deputive executive want that policy of union, that weight and energy, necessary to contrive wise measures, but principally to carry them into effect against the powerful im- pulse of such combustible materials. The united strength and wisdom of the Empire alone, acting on a constant plan, and far removed from the little party squabbles that divide the inhabitants of this country, are adequate to command obedience, and impose silence on such jarring elements. Both the Parliament and people of Ireland have, for the seventeen years past, been almost entirely engaged in lessening, by degrees, their dependence on Great Britain, in weakening the con- nexion, and paving the way for the separation of the two countries. It sig- nified nothing to say that their views were honourable and patriotic ; that Ireland was held in chains by the sister kingdom ; and that they had a right to seize the moment of her depression and generosity, or what else you choose to call it, to rescue themselves from this indignant situation. . The connexion between the two countries is reduced by them almost to a single thread — the unity of the executive power, and a negative on the laws passed in the Irish Parliament. . . I do not say that the present members of the Irish legislature are at all inclined to come to these extremities ; their conduct has been in the highest degree loyal, and their attachment to England sincere. But who can answer for their successors ; nay, who

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can even answer for themselves, in case the rebellion should acquire a firm consistence, and be so powerfully supported by Gallic force or machinations as to seem in a fair way of succeeding ? ., When the political existence of one country is so dependent on the protection of another, as that she needs only to be deserted for a single moment in order to fall into the most miserable state of anarchy and dis- order, surely the protecting country has a right to demand that the subordinate one should adopt every means for her own preservation that justice and equity may prompt her to offer. Though the pre- ponderating country may not find it convenient or even safe to desert the other on account of her refusing to adopt these means, yet is the refusal itself an act of the most manifest and downright injustice that can possibly be conceived." As far as Great Britain was concerned, the question was decided without difiiculty, on 31st January 1799, when eight resolutions in favour of the Union, moved by Mr. Pitt, were carried by 140 to 5 in the Commons, agreed to without a division in the Lords, and endorsed by a joint address of both Houses to the King. But it was in Ireland the real difiiculty lay. On the morning of 23rd January, after a debate lasting twenty-one hours, the address in which the question was mentioned was carried by a majority of one (106 to 105) ; but next uight the Union paragraph was expunged by 109 to 104, and the greatest rejoicings ensued throughout Ireland. The measure was abandoned for that session ; Cornwallis was despondent as to the ulti- mate issue ; but Pitt and Castlereagh were only the more confirmed in their resolution to let no obstacles prevent the accomplishment of their design. " The measure neither is nor never will be abandoned," wrote the Duke of Portland. Lord Castlereagh and his colleagues now bent themselves to bring about the Union by every means within their power. The story of their operations, from the point of view of their political opponents, will be best read in the Life of Grattan by his Son, and in Barrington's Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation ; and as told by themselves, in the Cornwallis Correspondence and the Castlereagh Papers. The characters of the two leaders in the movement are strikingly exhibited in these works. Cornwallis con- tinually shows his detestation of what he believes to be the unavoidable duty of bribery and violence imposed upon him — he longs to kick out of his presence the men with whom he trafiics ; whilst Castle- reagh sets about his work in a cool and 497