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12 22; see also id., at 9–10 (endorsing Lord Holt’s view in Lane v. Cotton).

This bargain, America would soon realize, had long excluded half of society. Women, though having won the right to vote half a century earlier, were not equal in public. Instead, a “separate-spheres ideology” had “assigned women to the home and men to the market.” E. Sepper & D. Dinner, Sex in Public, 129 Yale L. J. 78, 83, 88–90 (2019) (Sepper & Dinner). Women were excluded from restaurants, bars, civic and professional organizations, financial institutions, and sports. “Just as it did for the civil rights struggle, public accommodations served as kindling for feminist mobilization.” Id., at 83, 97–104; cf. S. Mayeri, Reasoning From Race: Feminism, Law, and the Civil Rights Revolution 9–40 (2011). In response to a movement for women’s liberation, numerous States banned discrimination in public accommodations on the basis of “sex.” See Sepper & Dinner 104, nn. 145–147 (collecting statutes). Colorado was the first State to do so. See 1969 Colo. Sess. Laws ch. 74, p. 200.

In the decades that followed, the Nation opened its eyes to another injustice. People with disabilities, though inherently full and equal members of the public, had been excluded from many areas of public life. This exclusion worked harms not only to disabled people’s standards of living, but to their dignity too. So Congress, responding once again to a social movement, this time against the subordination of people with disabilities, banned discrimination on that basis and secured by law disabled people’s equal access to public spaces. See S. Bagenstos, Law and the Contradictions of the Disability Rights Movement 13–20 (2009); R. Colker, The Disability Pendulum 22–68 (2005). The centerpiece of this political and social action was the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA). Title III of the ADA provides that “[n]o individual shall be discriminated