John Adams' XYZ Message to Congress

The personal inconveniences to the members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives in leaving their families and private affairs  at this season of the year are so obvious that I the more regret the  extraordinary occasion which has rendered the convention of  Congress indispensable.

It would have afforded me the highest satisfaction to have been able to congratulate you on a restoration of peace to the nations of  Europe whose animosities have endangered our tranquillity; but we  have still abundant cause of gratitude to the Supreme Dispenser of  National Blessings for general health and promising seasons, for  domestic and social happiness, for the rapid progress and ample  acquisitions of industry through extensive territories, for civil,  political, and religious liberty. While other states are desolated with foreign war or convulsed with intestine divisions, the United States  present the pleasing prospect of a nation governed by mild and equal  laws, generally satisfied with the possession of the rights, neither  envying the advantages nor fearing the power of other nations,  solicitous only for the maintenance of order and justice and the  preservation of liberty, increasing daily in their attachment to a  system of government in proportion to their experience of its utility,  yielding a ready and general obedience to laws flowing from the reason  and resting on the only solid foundation - the affections of the people.

It is with extreme regret that I shall be obliged to turn your thoughts to other circumstances, which admonish us that some of  these felicities may not be lasting. But if the tide of our prosperity is full and a reflux commencing, a vigilant circumspection becomes us,  that we may meet our reverses with fortitude and extricate ourselves  from their consequences with all the skill we possess and all the efforts in our power.

In giving to Congress information of the state of the Union and recommending to their consideration such measures as appear to  me to be necessary or expedient, according to my constitutional  duty, the causes and the objects of the present extraordinary session  will be explained.

After the president of the United States received information that the French government had expressed serious discontents at some  proceedings of the government of these states said to affect the  interests of France, he thought it expedient to send to that country  a new minister, fully instructed to enter on such amicable  discussions and to give such candid explanations as might happily  remove the discontents and suspicions of the French government and  vindicate the conduct of the United States. For this purpose he selected from among his fellow citizens a character whose integrity,  talents, experience, and services had placed him in the rank of the  most esteemed and respected in the nation.

The direct object of his mission was expressed in his letter of credence to the French republic, being "to maintain that good  understanding which from the commencement of the alliance had  subsisted between the two nations, and to efface unfavorable  impressions, banish suspicions, and restore that cordiality which was  at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly union". And his instructions were to the same effect, "faithfully to represent the  disposition of the government and people of the United States (their  disposition being 1); to remove jealousies and obviate complaints by  shewing that they were groundless, to restore that mutual  confidence which had been so unfortunately and injuriously impaired,  and to explain the relative interests of both countries and the real  sentiments of his own".

A minister thus specially commissioned it was expected would have proved the instrument of restoring mutual confidence between the two  republics. The first step of the French government corresponded with that expectation. A few days before his arrival at Paris the French minister of foreign relations informed the American minister then  resident at Paris of the formalities to be observed by himself in  taking leave, and by his successor preparatory to his reception. These formalities they observed, and on the 9th of December presented  officially to the minister of foreign relations, the one a copy of his  letters of recall, the other a copy of his letters of credence.

These were laid before the Executive Directory. Two days afterwards the minister of foreign relations informed the recalled American  minister that the Executive Directory had determined not to receive  another minister plenipotentiary from the United States until after  the redress of grievances demanded of the American government, and  which the French republic had a right to expect from it.

The American minister immediately endeavored to ascertain whether by refusing to receive him it was intended that he should  retire from the territories of the French republic, and verbal answers  were given that such was the intention of the Directory. For his own justification he desired a written answer, but obtained none until toward the last of January, when, receiving notice in writing to  quit the territories of the republic, he proceeded to Amsterdam,  where he proposed to wait for instruction from this government.

During his residence at Paris cards of hospitality were refused him, and he was threatened with being subjected to the jurisdiction of the  minister of police; but with becoming firmness he insisted on the  protection of the law of nations due to him as the known minister of  a foreign power.

You will derive further information from his dispatches, which will be laid before you.

As it is often necessary that nations should treat for the mutual advantage of their affairs, and especially to accommodate and terminate  differences, and as they can treat only by ministers, the right of  embassy is well known and established by the law and usage of nations. The refusal on the part of France to receive our minister is, then, the denial of a right; but the receive him until we have acceded to  their demands without discussion and without investigation is to  treat us neither as allies nor as friends, nor as a sovereign state.

With this conduct of the French government it will be proper to take into view the public audience given to the late minister of the  United States on his taking leave of the Executive Directory. The speech of the president discloses sentiments more alarming than  the refusal of a minister, because more dangerous to our independence and union, and at the same time studiously marked with  indignities toward the government of the United States.

It evinces a disposition to separate the people of the United States from the government, to persuade them that they have different  affections, principles, and interests from those of their fellow citizens  whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common  concerns, and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. Such attempts ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince  France and the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated  under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the  miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national  honor, character, and interest.

I should have been happy to have thrown a veil over these transactions if it had been possible to conceal them; but they have  passed on the great theater of the world, in the face of all Europe and  America, and with such circumstances of publicity and solemnity that  they can not be disguised and will not soon be forgotten. They have inflicted a wound in the American breast. It is my sincere desire, however, that it may be healed.

It is my sincere desire, and in this I presume I concur with you and with our constituents, to preserve peace and friendship with all nations; and  believing that neither the honor nor the interest of the United  States absolutely forbid the repetition of advances for securing  these desirable objects with France, I shall institute a fresh  attempt at negotiation, and shall not fail to promote and accelerate an  accommodation on terms compatible with the rights, duties,  interests, and honor of the nation. If we have committed errors, and these can be demonstrated, we shall be willing on conviction to  redress them; and equal measures of justice we have a right to expect  from France and every other nation.

The diplomatic intercourse between the United States and France being at present suspended, the government has no means of  obtaining official information from that country. Nevertheless, there is reason to believe that the Executive Directory passed a  decree on the 2nd of March last contravening in part the treaty of  amity and commerce of 1778, injurious to our lawful commerce and  endangering the lives of our citizens. A copy of this decree will be laid before you.

While we are endeavoring to adjust all our differences with France by amicable negotiation, the progress of the war in Europe, the  depredations on our commerce, the personal injuries to our  citizens, and the general complexion of affairs render it my  indispensable duty to recommend to your consideration effectual  measures of defense.

The commerce of the United States has become an interesting object of attention, whether we consider it in relation to the wealth  and finances or the strength and resources of the nation. With a sea coast of near 2000 miles in extent, opening a wide field for fisheries,  navigation, and commerce, a great portion of our citizens naturally  apply their industry and enterprise to these objects. Any serious and permanent injury to commerce would not fail to produce the most embarrassing disorders. To prevent it from being undermined and destroyed it is essential that it receive an adequate protection.

The naval establishment must occur to every man who considers the injuries committed on our commerce, the insults offered to our  citizens, and the description of vessels by which these abuses have  been practiced. As the sufferings of our mercantile and sea faring citizens can not be ascribed to the omission of duties demandable,  considering the neutral situation of our country, they are to be attributed to the hope of impunity arising from a supposed inability  on our part to afford protection. To resist the consequences of such impressions on the minds of foreign nations and to guard against the  degradation and servility which they must finally stamp on the  American character is an important duty of government.

A naval power, next to the militia, is the natural defense of the United States. The experience of the last war would be sufficient to shew that a moderate naval force, such as would be easily within  the present abilities of the Union, would have been sufficient to  have baffled many formidable transportations of troops from one state to another, which were then practiced. Our sea coasts, from their great extent, are more easily annoyed and more easily defended by a  naval force than any other. With all the materials our country abounds; in skill our naval architects and navigators are equal to any,  and commanders and sea men will not be wanting.

But although the establishment of a permanent system of naval defense appears to be requisite, I am sensible it can not be formed  so speedily and extensively as the present crisis demands. Hitherto I have thought proper to prevent the sailing of armed vessels except  on voyages to the East Indies, where general usage and the danger  from pirates appeared to render the permission proper. Yet the restriction has originated solely from a wish to prevent collisions  with the powers at war, contravening the act of Congress of June  1794, and not from any doubt entertained by me of the policy and  propriety of permitting our vessels to employ means of defense  while engaged in a lawful foreign commerce.

It remains for Congress to prescribe such regulations as will enable our sea faring citizens to defend themselves against violations of  the law of nations, and at the same time restrain them from  committing acts of hostility against the powers at war. In addition to this voluntary provision for defense by individual citizens, it appears to me necessary to equip the frigates, and provide other  vessels of inferior force, to take under convoy such merchant  vessels as shall remain unarmed.

The greater part of the cruisers whose depredations have been most injurious have been built and some of them partially equipped in the  United States. Although an effectual remedy may be attended with difficulty, yet I have thought it my duty to present the subject  generally to your consideration. If a mode can be devised by the wisdom of Congress to prevent the resources of the United States from being converted into the means of annoying our trade, a great  evil will be prevented. With the same view, I think it proper to mention that some of our citizens resident abroad have fitted out  privateers, and others have voluntarily taken the command, or entered  on board of them, and committed spoliations on the commerce of the United States. Such unnatural and iniquitous practices can be restrained only by severe punishments.

But besides a protection of our commerce on the seas, I think it highly necessary to protect it at home, where it is collected in our  most important ports. The distance of the United States from Europe and the well known promptitude, ardor, and courage of the  people in defense of their country happily diminish the probability of invasion. Nevertheless, to guard against sudden and predatory incursions the situation of some of our principal sea ports demands  your consideration. And as our country is vulnerable in other interests besides those of its commerce, you will seriously  deliberate whether the means of general defense ought not to be increased by an addition to the regular artillery and cavalry, and by  arrangements for forming a provisional army.

With the same view, and as a measure which, even in a time of universal peace, ought not to be neglected, I recommend to your  consideration a revision of the laws for organizing, arming, and  disciplining the militia, to render that natural and safe defense of the  country efficacious.

Although it is very true that we ought not to involve ourselves in the political system of Europe, but to keep ourselves always distinct and  separate from it if we can, yet to effect this separation, early,  punctual, and continual information of the current chain of events and  of the political projects in contemplation is no less necessary than  if we were directly concerned in them. It is necessary, in order to the discovery of the efforts made to draw us into the vortex, in season to make preparations against them.

However we may consider ourselves, the maritime and commercial powers of the world will consider the United States of America as  forming a weight in that balance of power in Europe which never can  be forgotten or neglected. It would not only be against our interest, but it would be doing wrong to half of Europe, at least, if we should  voluntarily throw ourselves into either scale.

It is a natural policy for a nation that studies to be neutral to consult with other nations engaged in the same studies and pursuits. At the same time that measures might be pursued with this view, our treaties with Prussia and Sweden, one of which is expired and the  other near expiring, might be renewed.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

It is particularly your province to consider the state of the public finances, and to adopt such measures respecting them as exigencies  shall be found to require. The preservation of public credit, the regular extinguishment of the public debt, and a provision of funds to  defray any extraordinary expenses will of course call for your serious  attention. Although the imposition of new burthens can not be in itself agreeable, yet there is no ground to doubt that the American  people will expect from you such measures as their actual  engagements, their present security, and future interests demand.

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

The present situation of our country imposes an obligation on all the departments of government to adopt an explicit and decided  conduct. In my situation an exposition of the principles by which my administration will be governed ought not be omitted.

It is impossible to conceal from ourselves or the world what has been before observed, that endeavors have been employed to foster  and establish a division between the government and people of the  United States. To investigate the causes which have encouraged this attempt is not necessary; but to repel, by decided and united  councils, insinuations so derogatory to the honor and aggressions so dangerous to the Constitution, union, and even independence of the  nation is an indispensable duty.

It must not be permitted to be doubted whether the people of the United States will support the government established by their  voluntary consent and appointed by their free choice, or whether, by  surrendering themselves to the direction of foreign and domestic  factions, in opposition to their own government, they will forfeit the honorable station they have hitherto maintained.

For myself, having never been indifferent to what concerned the interests of my country, devoted the best part of my life to obtain and  support its independence, and constantly witnessed the patriotism,  fidelity, and perseverance of my fellow citizens on the most trying  occasions, it is not for me to hesitate or abandon a cause in which  my heart has been so long engaged.

Convinced that the conduct of the government has been just and impartial to foreign nations, that those internal regulations which  have been established by law for the preservation of peace are in  their nature proper, and that they have been fairly executed, nothing  will ever be done by me to impair the national engagements, to innovate upon principles which have been so deliberately and  uprightly established, or to surrender in any manner the rights of  the government. To enable me to maintain this declaration I rely, under God, with entire confidence on the firm and enlightened  support of the national legislature and upon the virtue and patriotism of my fellow citizens.