Commentary on the Maya Manuscript in the Royal Public Library of Dresden/1

Page 1.

As the first page is almost entirely effaced by abrasion, we know very little of its contents. Like the second, however, it was doubtless divided into four parts. The two pages have this also in common, that, for lack of space, their contents are not expressed in full, but abbreviated as much as possible.

The top section (a) of page 1 may have been filled with a sort of frontispiece, perhaps a face with a few signs around it.

The three lower sections (b, e, d,) with the three lower of the second page doubtless formed a whole. Each of these sections contained a normal Tonalamatl of the commonest kind, which was introduced on the left by five day-signs having a difference of 12 and was thus divided into five sections of 52 days each. In sections b and d, at least, these periods seem to be divided into equal halves of 26 days each. In d alone we recognize the initial week day, VII, of the Tonalamatl. In each of the three divisions there were two figures of gods, but we can recognize only the first of these in section d as the god D.

Page 2.

This page contains four much abbreviated Tonalamatls. In the following I will represent each Tonalamatl by setting down in a vertical line those of the twenty days with which the principal divisions of equal length of the Tonalamatl begin, in a horizontal line with Roman numerals the days of the week of thirteen days on which the separate subdivisions begin, and with the Arabic numerals the distance between these days. I will also remark that the position of the Tonalamatls in the "Dresdensis" is not connected at all, as in the Aztec, with certain places in the year, and that no rule for this proceeding can be found. It is curious, however, that no Tonalamatl in this codex begins with the day IX or Eb, which is the more important in the last pages of the Dresden Codex.

2a.

This first Tonalamatl has the following form:—

The hieroglyphs and the figures show that preparations for a human sacrifice are treated of here and that the subject is, therefore, closely connected with page 3a, where the sacrifice itself is represented.

There are but two pictures of persons, which refer, therefore, only to the first or to the first two subdivisions and which, for lack of space, are wanting for the others. On the left walks the person doomed to sacrifice, his arms are bound on his back, his head is barely visible and his eyes are apparently torn out. There is an object in front of his breast resembling a wreath. Behind this figure crouches a second, who holds an object in his hand which probably represents a rattle. The parallel passage in Cod. Tro. 2b shows the bound prisoner with an axe behind him. Then follows in Tro. 3b the prisoner without a head and behind him the black god with gory lance.

The hieroglyphs—four for each of the five subdivisions—are arranged in the following order:—

Of these 9, 13 and 17-20 are wholly effaced and 14 for the most part. The very first group refers to human sacrifice, for 1 is a head with an axe affixed to it, 2 contains the hand (i) which so often appears as the sign of grasping, especially in representations of the chase; here it has the same superfix as on page 22a, which on pages 4a-10a and 11a, b, appears as prefix. 3 is the head of god H, perhaps given here as a symbol of wounding (serpent god?). I am unable to explain the meaning of the dot between two crosses in front of this head; perhaps the sign denotes the day Kan, which is here arrived at by calculation. We find the same hieroglyph on page 3. Sign 4 signifies the death-god A = Cimi, who appears again in 12.

In like manner 2 is repeated in 6 and 14. 7, 11 and 15 (probably also 19) are, however, the familiar cross b; 8 is the head of E with a prefixed knife; the intention here may have been to show that human sacrifice would be likely to have an auspicious influence upon the harvest. 10 and 16 are another unknown head. In 5 we see the familiar Kan-Imix sign, which, for the present, I am inclined to regard as denoting a feast or a sacrificial meal.

2b—c.

These two sections have something in common. First, 2b (as also 2d) is divided into but two parts and 2c into only three parts. Second, in 2b and 2c the scribe intended to draw the hieroglyphs for 10 days each, instead of 5 each, but only drew the outlines of the second five, since they could not be used for these Tonalamatls. Third, the persons represented here are all engaged in the same occupation, each holding in his hands an object which looks like a frame for a net or web, and also a large needle with an eye through which a thread has been passed.

A very similar representation is found in the Codex Troano 34a, 33a and 23*c, and also in the Sahagun Manuscript of the Bibliotheca Laurentiana at Florence. This can hardly mean anything else than the knotting of cords, which was the only method of casting lots current among the Mayas; compare Seler, "Altmexikanische Studien II" (1899), p. 31, and "Zauberei im alten Mexiko" (1900), p. 90, by the same author. This clearly indicates the use of these Tonalamatls in soothsaying.

Fourth and last, each of the five hieroglyph groups of 2b and 2c begin with the same sign, which must, therefore, denote the casting of lots.

The Tonalamatl 2b runs thus:—

The pictures are of three persons. At the left two sit facing one another and at the right is the god A. Of the first two, the one at the left is probably feminine, but with an old face. I am inclined here, in spite of the sex, to recall the bald-headed old god (N, according to Schellhas), whom I am inclined to consider, for the present, the representative of the 5 Uayeyab days at the end of the year. This would account for the sign resembling an 8 lying on its side, which appears on the god's head and which usually represents the change of the year (compare pages 38a, 41b, 52b, 68a and 72c). I cannot explain the person sitting facing this god further, than that from his hieroglyph he is either H or allied to H.

Of the 8 hieroglyphs

the first, as stated, seems to refer to the casting of lots, 2 is the sign for H, 3 denotes the female figure pictured beneath it, and 4 is the sign q with the Ben-Ik on top of it. In the second group 5 is the same as 1, 6 is the cross b, and 7 and 8 are the hieroglyphs for A.

2c contains the following Tonalamatl:—

There are illustrations for only the first two of the three subdivisions; the two figures composing them are engaged in the occupation mentioned under 2b. At the left sits a deity, who is probably E, whose head develops into a second, which is that of an animal; on the right sits the god D.

The three groups of four hieroglyphs each are arranged as follows:—

Of these hieroglyphs 1, 5 and 9 are the head already numbered 1 and 5 on 2b; 2, 6 and 10 are the cross b; 3, 7 and 11 are three different heads, all, as it seems, having the Akbal sign, and 11 having also the numeral 6. 4 is again (see 5 on 2a above) the Kan-Imix sign, 8 a Kin with suffix (the east?) and the numeral 16 as prefix; finally 12 is Cimi (A). Do the numbers 16 and 6 refer to the 16th and 6th of the 17 and 15 days standing below them? The beginning of this Tonalamatl III Oc seems to me to fall on an especially auspicious day (hieroglyph a).

2d has the following Tonalamatl:—

This refers probably to the section devoted to women, pages 13-23. For the picture on the left is a woman sitting and holding an unknown object in one hand; on her right stands the death-god A holding in his hands what may be an apron or breech-clout; there is a similar representation in Cod. Tro. 29*b.

The hieroglyphs are

Of these 1, 6 and 8 are one of the signs of A, 7 another, and 4 may be a third, recalling the Moan, which, as on page 14c, rests on a hand held beneath it. 2 and 5 seem to signify a carpet or other fabric (or a lying-in bed?), on the one hand suggesting the occupation of the figures in 2b and 2c, and on the other the checkered hieroglyph, which is so common in the Palenque inscriptions. Finally 3 is the woman pictured beneath.

Page 3.

We come now to the sacrificial scene proper, which practically fills the upper half of the page. The victim, a woman, lies bound hand and foot, on the sacrificial stone, just as in the Cortes. 41-42; the incision above the stomach is already made and the eyes are closed. Behind her rises the tree of life with a bird (vulture?) sitting in its branches, which holds in its bill one end of an object, resembling a ribbon (entrails) issuing from the eyes of the victim, just as in Tro. 26*a and 27*a.

This picture is surrounded by four gods, who, however, differ very much from the other four in the second sacrificial scene, page 34a. At the right above is K, who, I think, is the storm-god; the figure at the left above is almost entirely destroyed, and its hieroglyph wholly; I prefer to consider it a rain deity, so that these two gods shall signify the productive season. The two gods below may refer to the blessing upon the harvest and chase resulting from the season and the sacrifice. For, at the left below, we see the maize deity E, holding a dish of fruit, while her head-ornament contains a second head. At the right below sits the serpent deity H and in front of him is an animal with the noose still around its neck, with which it was caught.

The hieroglyphs are in the following order:—

Of these, 1-5 are wholly effaced and also the most essential part of 6.

Of these hieroglyphs four (1-4, 13-16, 17-20 and 21-24) clearly belong to each of the four deities, for 15, 18, and 22 (the last again with the dot between two crosses as on page 2a) certainly belong to the picture. From this it seems to follow that Hieroglyphs 5 to 12 refer to the sacrifice itself. As a matter of fact 9 and 11, which are directly above the sacrifice, also refer particularly to that part of the representation.

I wish also to call special attention to the two signs 8 and 16 which seem to correspond to one another. They are the two which I have designated with q and a, which are met with here for the first time (aside from the q with the Ben-Ik, which is not in question here) and which, I think, denote the good and evil days, q referring to the sacrifice and a to its results.

In regard to the rest of these hieroglyphs, 7 and 9 are Cimi; 10, 14, 17 and 24 the cross b and 11 and 23 the hieroglyph c. 12 is the head with the Akbal eye, having for its prefix the uplifted arm, which is joined thus to the most diverse signs, and which also occurs in the Tro-Cort. 13 is a similar head, 19 again Imix, 20 the sign o and 21 a hieroglyph, which is without doubt a simplified head.

Here, too, we have a Tonalamatl, and one beginning on an especially ceremonial day I Ahau, which seems to play the same role in celestial affairs as IV Ahau does in terrestrial matters. On the sacrificial stone we read the days Ahau, Eb, Kan, Cib and Lamat, and I think it likely that the same days occur in the passage of the Cortes. referred to above; the passage evidently contains some errors. The subdivisions of this Tonalamatl are not known to us, for here the manuscript is somewhat confused. I propose to read it as follows:—

but Cyrus Thomas, "Aids," p. 294, has

Either reading is dubious. The scribe divided the lower half of page 3 into two parts, and drew in each the outline of five days; but then he saw that, to continue his work, he needed a long surface extending from left to right, and he therefore omitted filling in these two sections.

Pages 4a—10a.

We have here a normal Tonalamatl, which, however, was evidently meant by the author to serve a very special purpose, since he divided the first section of 52 days into no less than 20 parts of 2, 3 or 4 days. I give the following arrangement here, remarking, at the same time, that in one doubtful case (between the third and fourth groups) I deviate from my former plan:—


 * X 2, XII 4, III 3, VI 2, VIII 4, XII 2, I 2, III 4, VII 2, IX 2, XI 2, XIII 4, IV 2, VI 3, IX 2, XI 3, I 2, III 3, VI 2, VIII 2, X.

Since the five sections on page 4a begin with the days Imix, Ben, Chicchan, Caban, and Muluc, we have resulting from this and from the intervals specified, the following days:—


 * X Imix, XII Akbal, III Manik, VI Oc, VIII Eb, XII Cib, I Ezanab, III Ahau, VII Kan, IX Cimi, XI Lamat, XIII Oc, IV IX, VI Cib, IX Cauac, XI Imix, I Kan, III Cimi, VI Muluc, VIII Chuen, X Ben.

Now, however, in the "Globus," Vol. LXXIII, in my two articles entitled "Die Tagegötter der Mayas," I have expressed the opinion that there is good reason to believe that the scribe has made a grave mistake here.

I assume that the scribe simply transferred the so-called month days from the year just past to the year in which he was writing, in doing which they were, of course, moved five days on (since 365 = 20 × 18 + 5), but he did not bear in mind, that the pictures and the hieroglyphs could then no longer correspond. Hence the days must be not


 * Imix, Akbal, Manik, Oc, Eb, Cib, Ezanab, Ahau, Kan, Cimi, Lamat, Oc, Ix, Cib, Cauac, Imix, Kan, Cimi, Muluc, Chuen, Ben,

but


 * Cib, Ezanab, Ik, Chicchan, Manik, Chuen, Ben, Men, Cauac, Imix, Akbal, Chicchan, Muluc, Chuen, Ix, Cib, Cauac, Imix, Kan, Cimi, Lamat.

Let us now consider the 20 groups, disregarding the first (really zero) which has no figure and no hieroglyphs. We will leave out of the question also the first two hieroglyphs of each group, which are the same twenty times and form, as it were, merely a superscription, in which the first sign is a head, also occurring elsewhere (4b-5b), with suffix and affix, and the second is the hieroglyph i, which might readily denote a sacrifice. Thus only the usual four signs remain for each picture.

1. Day 15 = Ezanab; Aztec Tecpatl, flint, lance point. The figure of the god does not correspond with this at all; it is a god in a gala cloak, holding before him a serpent and bearing a quetzal bird on his back. This figure, which resembles none other in our manuscript, strongly recalls Kukulcan, who, in fact, is often placed by the scribes at the head of the 20 Maya gods (cf. Dres. 36) in which manner he appears in this place quite without reference to the day and the hieroglyphs. In this interpretation I follow Seler, in the main, who in his treatise "Quetzalcouatl-Kukulcan in Yucatan" (1898) expresses this opinion on page 403 of the separate edition. But possibly the ear-ornament may refer to Ezanab. Of the hieroglyphs, 1 and 2 are the familiar sign of the serpent deities H or I, though here they are not drawn exactly alike. They also appear together on page 6a. 3 ( = r) I think is the sign for the week of 13 days, which recurs in groups 5, 11, 14 and 16, and hence is distributed 4 times, though not regularly, among the 4 × 13 days. Sign 4 is the death bird.

2. Day 19 = Ik; Aztec Ehecatl, wind, air, breath. The deity pictured is B, the god who is found the most frequently, and with the most varied attributes, of all the gods in our manuscript. He is the god proper of breathing and living and was, perhaps, the local god in the region where this manuscript originated. The second hieroglyph is his sign; the first, with a prefixed 9, is p the third q and the fourth a with the usual 3 before it; their relations to B are still unknown.

3. Day 3 = Cimi; Aztec Miquiztli, death. The deity with a black line about the mouth is certainly the bald-headed old god N, whom we shall find on pages 12c, 14b, 17a, 21c, and 37a. His hands are much deformed; perhaps indicating the bite of a serpent? Of the hieroglyphs, 1, 2 and 4 are effaced; 3 is surely the sign of the god, differing, it is true, from his usual hieroglyph, but recurring with a 4 also on pages 21c and 24. This 4 might refer to the four kinds of years, but here, perhaps, to the fourth of the five Uayeyab days, and would thus agree with the 24th day of Cumku, which should lie here (in the year 9 Kan), if I have begun the Tonalamatl correctly.

4. Day 4 = Manik; Aztec Mazatl. The significance is stag or roe, game or the chase. The first picture on page 5 is one of the forms of F, which seems to stand here not merely for human sacrifice, but also for war and the chase, and especially for the act of killing in general. Of the hieroglyphs, unfortunately only the fourth can be read in full (the sign c), the upper part of the second is the cross b and the lower part the sign Ahau; the number 11, which is peculiar to the god F, probably stood before the second sign. Did this god rule the eleventh of the 13 months of 28 days, as Moan ruled the thirteenth?

5. Day 8 = Chuen; Aztec Ozomatli, ape, then probably the constellation of Ursa Minor, and hence belonging to the god C. The figure is unquestionably his, and the first hieroglyph is surely his sign. The other three are the familiar a, o and r.

6. Day 10 = Ben; Aztec Acatl, the fundamental significance of which is reed, rush, etc. The connection between this day and the god B pictured here must be left undecided. Of the hieroglyphs, the first points rather to the sun-god G, the second, with the numeral 7 as a prefix, is entirely destroyed, the third is the sign u, and the fourth, which is half obliterated, was q.

7. Day 12 = Men; Aztec Quauhtli, eagle. The figure to which the first hieroglyph with the numeral 11 belongs, is a form of the god F, but has the nose-ornament of the sun-god G. Hieroglyph 2, which we shall find again on 22c, may refer especially to the eagle; the third is the sign of the day Caban with a prefixed 3, and the fourth is the sign o.

8. Day 16 = Cauac; Aztec Quiahuitl. The meaning in the different languages points to rain, storm and summer, of which the tortoise and serpent are special symbols. I shall not venture to decide positively upon the deity pictured here; perhaps the object in his hand may be a tortoise; Seler, "Quetzalcouatl-Kukulcan" (1898), p. 403, calls him the young god. In the hieroglyphs we find the serpent sign Chicchan twice, just as in the first group on page 4; then follow a and Kan-Imix.

9. Day 18 = Imix; Aztec Cipactli. In my treatise on the day-gods, I have referred to the variations in the significance of this day. The Mayas connected with it the idea of the female breast, of drink, and, in particular, of the intoxicating beverage pulque. The deity pictured here, which is certainly a female deity, has a kind of vessel in her hand, from which the serpent resting on her head appears to be drinking. Hieroglyphs 2 and 4 are wholly obliterated, and 1 partly; there is a lock of hair, the sign of femininity, before 1 and 3. It is to be noted further that 3 is the sign of the death-god and that the deity pictured here has the death-sign on its cheek. Can this possibly suggest deathlike intoxication?

10. Day 20 = Akbal; Aztec Calli. The meaning is that of darkness, night, dark hole, then that of house as an artificial cave or as a place of shelter at night. The first picture on page 7, the black deity L with the beard fits admirably here. The black paint still visible proves that the first hieroglyph, which is almost effaced, was his sign, and the second may be a head more definitely identifying him. The third was the sign q, the fourth is an Ahau, perhaps intimating that Akbal belonged to the days beginning the Uinal sections of 20 days, and to the lords of the same. In addition to appearing with these 5th, 10th, 15th, and 20th days, an Ahau is found with the 1st, 6th, 11th and 16th as regent of the year, and lastly, but especially, with the 17th, which bears the name Ahau, and with the god D belonging to it.

11. Day 2 = Chicchan; Aztec Cohuatl, serpent. With this would agree also the third and fourth hieroglyphs (the latter r), which are the two we found in the first representation on page 4 belonging to the deity holding the serpent. But what is the meaning here of the dog-head of the figure, and of the first two hieroglyphs corresponding to it? And what does this creature hold in its hand? The lightning? The hieroglyphs seem to correspond to the seventh day, as if the scribe had recognized his mistake and referred here to the present and not to the past year.

12. Day 6 = Muluc; Aztec Atl, water, cloud. With this corresponds the image of the storm deity K and his two hieroglyphs 1 and 2, the first of which occurs frequently, and the second is found on pages 20 b and 47, while 3 (Ahau) designates the day as regent of the year and 4 is the hieroglyph a. The curious sign 2 is also given on Cort. 32 b.

13. Day 8 = Chuen; Aztec Ozomatli, ape. There is no agreement at all here, but everything points to the day 3 lying 5 days back, the picture of the Cimi as well as the hieroglyphs, even the third with the Akbal sign and the uplifted arm (as on page 36a), also the fourth (c) which is generally thought to be the death-bird. It even seems here as if the scribe had had the preceding year in mind; possibly he did not want to repeat the fifth group.

14. Day 11 = Ix; Aztec Ocelotl, jaguar. Here there is an admirable correspondence between the figure and the first hieroglyph, which on page 26, top, also refers to the jaguar represented there; the other three hieroglyphs are r, Kan-Imix and q.

15. Day 13 = Cib; Aztec Cozcaquauhtli, vulture. The bird is actually pictured here and its sign is the first hieroglyph; the third is q, the second and fourth are obliterated.

16. Day 16 = Cauac; Aztec Quiahuitl, meaning, as in the eighth group, rain, storm, summer. The figure, the first on page 9, seems, however, to indicate the day Ahau, as does also the second hieroglyph, which is Ahau; the first and third are effaced and the fourth is r. Perhaps the scribe did not wish to repeat the eighth group.

17. Day 18 = Imix; Aztec Cipactli, as in the ninth group. Here the allusion to pulque is still plainer than it is there. The picture is that of a woman with bound eyes and uncertain position of the hands, and here too with the death-sign, and on her head a bee from whose honey the beverage was prepared. I shall not venture to explain the first two hieroglyphs; the second with uplifted arm appears again on page 8c. The third is Cimi and the fourth q.

18. Day 1 = Kan; Aztec Cuetzpalin, denoting maize with the Mayas. The representation consists of the maize deity with the Kan sign on her head, the first hieroglyph is hers, then follows Kan-Imix, which I am inclined to interpret as meaning a meal, next the sign a and finally a head, which is uncommon and undetermined, with the leaf-shaped prefix as on pages 4c, 6c, 9c, 34b, 61a, 67b and 69a.

19. Day 3 = Cimi; Aztec Miquiztli, death. The first figure on page 10 is a deity with the head of the death-bird Moan and above the head is the death-sign. As has long been known, the first and third hieroglyphs unquestionably belong to this god, also the fourth with the Akbal sign agrees with it, and the second likewise recalls the Moan.

20. Day 5 = Lamat; Aztec Tochtli, meaning rabbit in the latter language. Neither the figure, which represents Cimi, death, nor the corresponding hieroglyphs, excepting the second one agree with this day. This second hieroglyph has both in front and above it the number 6. Two numbers added thus to the common Uinal sign usually designate the Uinal period plus days, as is so very common on the inscriptions, so that the sign appearing here would denote 6 × 20 + 6 = 126 days. The hieroglyph here, however, is not the usual sign for 20 days. On the contrary, it has in the centre a straight line and on either side of it a parallel line ending in a little knob (or loop?). I propose to regard these lines as representing the ecliptic and the moon, which takes its course now to the north and now to the south of the ecliptic, and the sign as a whole as signifying the lunar month of 28 days. This is confirmed on pages 51, 55, 56 and 57. In that case this hieroglyph would denote 6 × 28 + 6 = 174 days.

Now bear in mind that in this passage the day X Lamat, which equals the Aztec Tochtli, is referred to.

In the year named after this day, and indeed on the 174th day of the same (1 Cipactli), in February 1502, the emperor Ahuitzotzin died; compare especially Brinton, "Essays of an Americanist" (1890), pp. 274-283.

Should this association in our manuscript of Cimi = death, X Tochtli and the numeral 174, be considered accidental? Or did the scribe, writing in the year after the event, actually record it in the year 1503 and, departing from his real subject, immortalize it in this place at the end of the greatest Tonalamatl? I will not refrain from expressing the conjecture I have long entertained, though I am quite prepared for differences of opinion.

Seler attempts to explain this series of 20 gods in another way; see his "Monumente von Copan und Quirigua" (1899), p. 729. (Cf. his collected papers p. 781.)

Pages 4b—5b.

It is my opinion that the Tonalamatl just now discussed connects with another, which is recorded directly below the beginning of the first, and which also differs from all the other ordinary Tonalamatls. It likewise divides the first 52 days into a large number of small parts (14) and has the following form, if we adopt Seler's correction in the last member:—

The two days Ik and Oc should be read Oc and Ik. There is only one picture here:—a scaly green monster with the head of the principal god D. There are six hieroglyphs on its body, the first is that of Eb and the second that of Cimi, the fourth is the sign c. The others I shall not venture to determine.

According to a conjecture expressed verbally by Dieseldorff, this figure may represent the god who continually recreates himself. We are reminded here of the two-headed serpent (Seler, "Tonalamatl der Aubinschen Sammlung," 1900, pp. 65-66). There are two rows of hieroglyphs above the monster, the upper contains 8 and the second 6, but the second hieroglyph in the upper row belongs in the lower. Thus there are 14 hieroglyphs corresponding to the subdivisions noted above.

The upper seven signs are all alike and are also identical with the one, which, in the great Tonalamatl, recorded above, begins the heading of all the 20 groups; this likewise points to a close connection between the two Tonalamatls.

The remaining 7 hieroglyphs should be considered as only 6, for it is improbable that C occurs twice in this series. They are the gods D, C, H, N, A and B, to which perhaps an E or F or G is to be mentally added in place of the second C. They are all principal gods with the exception of N (as always, according to Schellhas's nomenclature). This N, an old man, denotes, as it seems, the five Uayeyab days at the end of the year, as he does also on page 21c. This sign with the number 4 has already been seen on page 4a. If in 4b this sign signifies the last day of the year, then this Tonalamatl falls in the year XIII Kan. The sign 5 Zac also appears in the Tro-Cort., e.g., Cort. 29 c, Tro. 9*b and 28*b.

Now I shall proceed to examine all that has not yet been discussed to the end of page 12, taking up first the remainder of sections a and b and then all those of 4c-12c.

Pages 10a—12a.

The period of 52 days is thus divided into five sections of 12 and 8 days each, alternating regularly. A deity and four hieroglyphs belong to each of these sections, viz:—

1. D sitting, with his right hand pointing upward and his left downward; on his head is the Akbal sign as on page 15c. The hieroglyphs are destroyed with the exception of the third, which is the sign of D (Ahau). The fact that the 12 days happen to end with the day belonging to D (Ahau) is accidental.

2. R, a human figure with the head of the Moan (as on page 7c and 10a) and with the copal pouch around his neck. Of the hieroglyphs only the fourth, one of the common signs of Moan (c), is legible.

3. H, or, according to Seler, "the young god," as on 12b and 14b, with nose-peg and copal pouch. On his (her?) head sits a bird with an object, which I do not recognize, in its bill; compare page 12b. Of the hieroglyphs, the first is destroyed, the second is the unmistakable sign of H, the fourth is the common a, and the third I cannot as yet decipher.

4. A, with the usual design issuing from his mouth (the expiring breath of life?). Of the hieroglyphs, the first is a double Manik with prefixes, which probably denotes violent death; the other three are very common symbols of A.

5. E, holding a vessel containing plants (agave?) and with the cross b on his head-ornament. The first hieroglyph is an unexplained compound design apparently referring to the Moan, an Imix and two prefixes, the second is the monogram of E, whom the third hieroglyph, Imix-Kan, designates as dispensing nourishment, and the fourth, Ahau, as a leading deity.

Page 12a.

The scribe evidently wishing to carry out his material in some conclusive form in the top, middle and bottom sections of page 12, found insufficient space in the top section. He, therefore, condensed two independent unconnected Tonalamatls, by arranging them in such a manner, that the period of 52 days was divided, for the sake of brevity, into only two parts, viz:—

I have supplied the two numbers enclosed in parentheses; they are wanting in the Manuscript.

The hieroglyphs

are sufficient for the two figures one expects to see here; but they are, in fact, intended for four figures—two for each of the two Tonalamatls. For the first of the two Tonalamatls we have only one figure, God K, who, however, from the dish held in his hand, probably containing honey (compare 10b), seems to stand here also in place of E. In agreement with this, Hieroglyph 2 and probably also 1 (s, which occurs again on page 13a, and also on page 10b) refers to K, while 3 clearly refers to E and 4 is the sign a. Hieroglyphs 5-8 belong to the second of the two Tonalamatls. The first two of these hieroglyphs, which are entirely erased, refer to an unknown deity, and the last two unquestionably relate to A.

Pages 5b—6b.

Four hieroglyphs belong to each of the four subdivisions:—

These four parts, however, form a whole, inasmuch as they all relate to making fire, as it is also represented in the Troano 6, 19 and 14*c. Hence the upper row of hieroglyphs contains signs which are repeated. 1, 5 and 9 are the same head, the last two cases have the sign for darkness (Akbal); this Akbal appears again in the parallel passages of the Tro. and in 13 it is somewhat enlarged simply owing to the absence of a head. The act of making fire seems to be denoted here rather by the second sign (2, 6, 10, 14), which I designate by k and which, originally, doubtless consisted of two hands (double Manik sign); the prefix is the same in 6 and 14, and different in 2 and 10.

The eight lower hieroglyphs are merely the monograms of the four gods making the fire. The first deity is F, the second either A or one of the black deities L or M, the third D and the fourth apparently F again, but conceived as feminine. In the third picture there is a second object, apparently a head (of D?), below the piece of wood in which the fire-stick is being whirled. Hieroglyph 11 belonging to this deity has an Akbal as a prefix.

Pages 6b—7b.

This Tonalamatl is divided, by way of exception, into four equal parts, which all begin with the same week day X.

Here too, as in the preceding Tonalamatl, there are four subdivisions, and also 16 hieroglyphs arranged in the same way. And here too the upper line is a condensation of the whole, the same two signs being repeated four times. The first of these is q, which is still a problem and which occurs inverted also on Cort. 20d-21d (where there are figures with bird-heads); there too it is the characteristic hieroglyph. The second, however, is again the double Manik sign referring to activity of some kind, as in the preceding Tonalamatl. But the occupation of the four deities represented here is of very different kinds and altogether problematical. E, conceived as feminine, occupies the first place, with a Kan sign on her head and holding in her hand a vessel exactly like the one held by the figure just above on the same page. The third hieroglyph is hers and the fourth is the sign a.

The second figure is A with a hook-shaped object hanging around his neck. His hands also seem to be deformed, as are those of the third and fifth figures of the great Tonalamatl (on pages 4 and 5). His two hieroglyphs are among those usually belonging to him.

The third god is D sitting, by way of exception, on some object (stone?). Something resembling the pestle of an ordinary mortar is hanging down in front of his headdress, and he is holding a very similar object to his mouth. His two hieroglyphs are also those which usually refer to him.

The most striking figure is that of the fourth god, whom I do not recognize. He seems to be attracting to himself a bird flying down from above, whose bill almost touches his mouth. His hieroglyph has the sign Yax (strength) for a prefix and the fourth hieroglyph is c.

Page 8b.

Again we have a Tonalamatl divided into equal parts, this time, however, into but two, and it seems thus to be closely connected with the preceding.

While hitherto four hieroglyphs have usually belonged to each figure, we find here ten in all and in the following order:—

There are two figures here, which stand in some relation to one another,—two persons sitting facing each other. The one at the left is certainly D, the one at the right can hardly be the old woman, whom Schellhas designates with O, but rather N, the old god of the Uayeyab days. The former seems to be about to take something from the hand of the latter. I surmise that it is one of the prophetic weaving implements. which we found on page 2. The two hieroglyphs e and h must refer to this; they are repeated, as usual, in the two groups, e in places 2 and 8, and h in 1 and 6.

Signs 3 and 4 refer unquestionably to D and hence 5 and 7 (the first q with Ben-Ik, and the latter unknown) must be the designation of the person sitting on the right. We shall meet the latter sign again on pages 15b and 18a, with the same person, and on pages 27a and 39b with entirely different persons. Sign 7 is an object, which also appears on 15b and 18a, held in the hands of women and may denote some special sacrificial offering; on 9b Kan-Imix appears in place of this sign, and on 39b beside it. It should be noted that sign 7 stands here in exactly the same proximity to 1 and 6 as on page 27a.

The hieroglyphs 9 and 10 stand outside the two groups, and since, as we know, they belong to the god A, this prophecy must concern death, as is more clearly indicated by the corresponding hieroglyphs on page 9b.

Page 9b.

Here, for the first time in this manuscript, we have a Tonalamatl in which the 260 days are not divided into five fifths of 52 days each, but into four quarters of 65 days. This may be represented as follows, if we supply the III, which is wanting at the beginning:—

In the first place, the close connection of this Tonalamatl with that recorded on page 8b, just now discussed, is striking, for


 * 1. Here too we find a division into two equal parts is intended, but which, of course, as the number is 65, cannot be mathematically exact.


 * 2. Here too we not only find 10 hieroglyphs, but we find them in the same order as on page 8b, and here too the sign e stands in places 2 and 8, and h in 1 and 6; again 3, 4 and 9 are exactly the same hieroglyphs here as there, so that only 5, 7 and 10 are different.


 * 3. The picture is again that of two persons sitting facing each other. Here D sits on the right and facing him is the grain deity E. D is speaking to E as is indicated by the sign before his face and by the position of his right hand. The signs belonging to E are Hieroglyphs 5 and 7, while those of D are 3 and 4. It seems, therefore, that D is announcing to E the prophecy contained in the preceding Tonalamatl.


 * 4. Two hieroglyphs, 9 and 10, are again added, both relating to death—9 to god A and 10 to F.

Now what especially distinguishes this passage from the preceding one, is the fact that the four days are the so-called regents of the year, Muluc, Ix, Cauac and Kan, above which, perhaps to emphasize this circumstance, there is a particularly elaborate Ahau. Seler ("Einiges mehr über die Monumente von Copan und Quiriguá," p. 210), however, thinks that this sign is the hieroglyph for the numeral three, which should stand here.

The fact that the tenth sign, which is the last, is 13 Moan in the preceding Tonalamatl, while here it is 11 F, will be of special significance in deciding the interpretation.

Page 10b.

The manuscript gives the following:—

This cannot be correct, for 22 + 22 is not 52, and from XIII to III is not 22 days, while the last Roman numeral is wanting. I, therefore, propose to make a 6 of the numeral 2, which occurs twice, by changing the lower dot into a line, and to change the III into a XIII by the addition of two lines. This gives the series the form XIII 26 XIII 26 XIII. Then by its division into three equal parts, this Tonalamatl accords with the three preceding ones, which it also resembles in other respects. For here too we find two persons pictured; this time, however, they do not face each other, but are placed one behind the other. The first is B, the god of life strictly speaking, the second is F, who is represented by his hieroglyph in the preceding Tonalamatl, and who is the god of the chase and probably of death by violence. Both hold offerings in their hands, which have been presented to them, and this also seems to be suggested by the two pendent copal pouches. The dish in B's hand probably contains honey, while F holds a plant (agave?)—the very same articles, which we find on page 12a in the hands of other gods. It looks as if the gods had been propitiated and as if this were the conclusion of a drama running through four Tonalamatls. Again the two death-hieroglyphs, which were added on pages 8 and 9, are wanting here, and we find only the usual eight signs:—

Of these, 1, 2 and 5, 6 are the usual comprehensive heading; 1 and 5 are the Manik sign, which must denote the offering, while 2 and 6 are the characters, which perhaps, not incorrectly, has been thought to denote a repetition, a kind of plural; we have already seen it on pages 12a-13a. 3 is the monogram of B, yet it looks more like a fist with the thumb prominent—a figure I have frequently found in the inscriptions of Palenque. It must also refer to the sacrifice offered to B, which is confirmed by the a added to it in 4 and probably denoting a good day. 7 is the hieroglyph of F to which the sign in 8 corresponds, while the prefixed arm in 8 seems to refer to the presentation of the sacrifice.

Pages 10b—11b.

I have corrected the 15 in the manuscript by making it 16.

20 hieroglyphs correspond regularly to the five sections in the following order:—

This section seems to refer chiefly to the harvest. First the Muluc sign with suffix and affix, which is repeated in 1, 5, 9, 13 and 17 at regular intervals, suggests rain as a preliminary condition of the harvest. Next in 2 the hieroglyph of K, the wind-god, is added to this Muluc sign, and K is the patron of the day Muluc. Then the signs a and o follow in 3 and 4. There is no picture belonging to this group; it ought to be the god K. The second group adds to the Muluc in 6 the glyph of the sun, which is the second preliminary condition of the harvest. This is followed in 7 by the sign u apparently denoting wind and cloud and having the prefix of the storm-god, and in 8 is the sign, which, strange to say, stands also in the last Tonalamatl in the eighth place. I am not very clear in regard to this sign. The sun-god G with copal pouch and a vessel containing grains of maize is appropriately represented with this group. With equal fitness the third group contains E, the harvest-god proper, with copal pouch and grains of maize, and, as usual, a Kan sign on his head, but also with a parrot, probably as an enemy of the harvest. Sign 10 is E's hieroglyph, to which, as is so often the case, sign 11 (Imix-Kan) is added and in 12 the double Manik (i). The last two groups are without figures of deities; the double Manik (14 and 18), possibly a repeated summons to sacrifice, is common to both groups. There seems here to be a further reference to the enemies of the harvest, for 15 is the hieroglyph of the vulture, 16 that of the death-bird and 19 that of the night-god, after which this section closes with the quite universal sign a. If space had permitted, the vulture and the night-god would have been represented here.

Page 12b.

This is again a regular arrangement, half of the 52 days being in the middle and a quarter each at the beginning and end.

The first four days refer to the purport of the prediction, Ix, the tiger, Cimi, death, Ezanab, the wounding lance point, and Oc, the lightning dog. The 12 hieroglyphs indicate the connection with the foregoing Tonalamatl, for 1, 5 and 9 contain the same Muluc sign which we found there in the same places.

The three figures, it seems to me, signify the approach of death, the wound occasioning death, and the arrival of death.

The first picture represents the god probably as feminine, with which the illustration on page 9c should be compared. The lock of hair before sign 3, the death hieroglyph, agrees with this as do also the familiar signs 2 and 4. The god is making sounds, which is indicated by the figure issuing from his mouth. Is the snail in his head-ornament to be understood as the sign for retarded motion?

The second figure is the wounding serpent deity H, likewise represented here as feminine, with a lock of hair; the copal pouch hangs from her neck, her nose-peg resembles a flower as on page 19a. A bird is sitting on her head and is devouring a piece of an animal's body; we have already met this representation in the preceding Tonalamatl. Hieroglyph 6 designates the deity H, 7 (Imix-Kan) probably denotes the devouring of the flesh and sign 8, which is an Ahau with a prefixed knife, may also refer to this.

Finally, the third picture is again the death-god, who is clad in a gala cloak and, in contrast to the first picture, where the deity is sitting on some object, is squatting on the ground. The three hieroglyphs 10, 11 and 12 fit here admirably.

We will now turn back to page 4 and consider the lowest section (c) of pages 4 to 12, which like pages 5b-12b (I omit 4b here because its contents are of an entirely different nature) contain 7 Tonalamatls, that is, five ritual years of 364 days. If, however, we add 4b to these and bear in mind that 10c-11c contain a double Tonalamatl, we will have 9 Tonalamatls. We find a group of 7 Tonalamatls also on pages 51a-52a.

Pages 4c-5c.

The incorrect 10 of the manuscript has been changed to 9. The hieroglyphs are as follows:—

and there are four figures of gods.

The sign of the rising Moan with its usual prefix and superfix (d) forms the principal part of this section, the meaning of which, however, is not yet very intelligible. This sign appears not merely as the 1st, 5th, 9th and 13th hieroglyphs, but all the four gods hold it in their hands. Placed after each of these signs are hieroglyphs 2, 6, 10 and 14, which are the double Manik or hand sign denoting a sacrifice (i).

The first god portrayed here is G, the sun-god, and the third hieroglyph is his sign, which is rendered yet more unmistakable here by the laterally elongated head q, the meaning of which is not yet wholly determined.

The second god is D with his two signs in 7 and 8. 7 designates him rather as night and moon-god and 8 more as the old god and lord of the gods.

The third god is the serpent deity H or Seler's "young god." His sign is hieroglyph 11, with which, to be sure, the unusual sign 12 (v) appears as a not very intelligible determinative.

The fourth god is A and his usual signs are given in 15 and 16.

Pages 5c—6c.

This is the second example in our manuscript of a Tonalamatl divided into four parts:—

The repetition of the 15th day at the end is superfluous.

Here, then, we have the four days with which the 18 Uinals can begin; in the Tonalamatl on page 9b, the four regents of the year were given instead. Now, whether the beginning of these periods of 20 days was celebrated by a banquet or not, at all events, a feast is suggested by the sign Imix-Kan, which is repeated in hieroglyphs 1, 5, 9 and 13. The four vessels in the hands of the four deities, two of whom are sitting and two standing, would agree with the idea of a feast. The first vessel is a cup filled apparently with foaming pulque, and the other three are larger vessels meant to be hung up. The first deity is D with a snail on his head. Compare page 12b. His hieroglyphs are 2 and 3, and sign a is added as fourth. The next deity is A with his usual signs in 6, 7 and 8. C follows with his hieroglyph in 10 and lastly F with the sign 14 which belongs to him.

There still remain as the 11th and 15th signs, the elongated head q with the Ben-Ik superfix belonging to C and with another superfix belonging to F (with which he likewise appeared as sign 4 in the preceding Tonalamatl). The 12th sign (v), which occurs in exactly the same place in the preceding Tonalamatl, is no more intelligible to me here than there.

Pages 6c—7c.

Four sitting gods with the regular 16 hieroglyphs. There is no collective sign, however, among these. It seems exactly as if the intention had been to represent the different offerings usually presented to the various deities. At all events the sacrifices are designated by hieroglyphs 1, 5, 9 and 13, and the same objects are also held in the hands of the four gods respectively, although they are clearly recognizable only in the case of the second and third gods.

Now what are these four different sacrificial gifts?

The principal part of the first looks like the sign of the month Mol. In excellent agreement with its appearance is the fact, that this word signifies egg in the Quecchi language. The god receiving the sacrifice here is A. Hieroglyph 2 is his monogram and 3 is that of his companion F and 4 fits both deities.

The second figure is D and his signs are hieroglyphs 6 and 7 to which 8 is added quite superfluously. The sacrifice proper is denoted by 5, which, I think, is a sign of multiplicity and which was originally the fin of a fish. In the manuscripts and inscriptions, when this sign is added to the sign for 360 days, it enhances the value to 20 × 360 = 7200 days.

The third picture represents the god with the bird-head of the Moan and his signs are hieroglyphs 10, 11 and 12. One of these, signifying rising birds, is also the offering in 9.

Lastly, the fourth picture is, according to Schellhas, the serpent deity H, and, according to Seler, the "young god," with the snail on his head. His sign is hieroglyph 14. Added to this is the sign a in 15, and in 16 it is q again with the same superfix as in sign 15 of the preceding Tonalamatl. The sacrifice in 13 is represented by a Kan sign, which is equivalent to maize, maize bread or tortilla.

Repeatedly, as on page 23b or 29b-31b of our manuscript, we see a portion of game (deer), a bird, a lizard and a fish represented as sacrifices. With this the fish and bird in our second and third pictures agree very well. I shall not venture to explain the other two in the first and fourth pictures. Perhaps future explanations of the curious head-ornament of the four gods will shed further light on the subject.

Page 8c.

The horizontal line should be read in this order; in the manuscript the numbers are in a somewhat unusual order.

An attempt has been made to divide the 52 days into sections of 9 days each, and in doing this the sixth subdivision has fallen short of two days. Since this passage has but two pictures, six of the 12 hieroglyphs must belong to each of the figures. I read the hieroglyphs in the following order:—

Each of the two pictures contains a building and a deity in front of it, each of whom seems to have placed another deity in the building. In the first picture D is putting C inside and in the second F is doing the same to A or the Moan. I will add also, that the day belonging to C (Chuen) is actually 9 days distant from that of D (Ahau). I am uncertain in regard to the other two. In the back of each building we see a cross.

A similar association of two gods appears again elsewhere, as on page 35a, where D lies on a building in which C is sitting, thus showing an association of the same two gods as in our first group.

In both groups the first two hieroglyphs form the common heading, since 1 corresponds in general to 7 and 2 to 8. In the first group 3 and 4 are the hieroglyphs of D and 5 and 6 are the signs q and v; does one of these last signs refer to the god C? In the second group 9 is the sign of F, who stands in front of the house and 10 that of the god in the house, as perhaps is also 11, when we consider the closed eye; this is one of the many hieroglyphs having an uplifted arm as a prefix. On page 9a we find exactly the same sign. The last sign is the hieroglyph q, which sometimes seems to be used merely to fill space; it corresponds, but with a different superfix, to the fifth hieroglyph of the first group.

The last three parts of this section of the manuscript all differ appreciably from the usual form (5 × 52 = 260 days).

Page 9c.

Here for the first time the manuscript contains a Tonalamatl, which is divided into 10 × 26 days. It is true the position of both the days and numbers is quite irregular. The manuscript presents the following order:—

I read it thus:—

Two figures and eight hieroglyphs are given here. I do not venture to decide whether each of the two figures with its hieroglyphs relates only to a period of 26 days or to the half of the whole, 130 days. I think the latter is more likely to be the case. The sign Imix-Kan, which I am inclined to refer to a sacrificial meal, is common to both groups and connects them. The two gods seem also to have a sign pertaining to a meal in their hands; this may be a cup.

The first deity is D or I, but with a female breast and with a serpent on his head. His signs are 2 and 3. The second god is A with a snail on his head and his signs are 6 and 7.

In addition to these, sign 4 of the first group is v and sign 8 of the second group is c.

Pages 10c—11c.

Here we have two independent Tonalamatls as on page 12a. There are subdivisions only for the second; the first should be regarded either as entirely invalid or else its division has merely been omitted.

6 gods with 4 hieroglyphs each are represented on these pages:—

Here too Hieroglyphs 1, 5, 9, 13, 17 and 21 are the common factor; they have the form of the month Mol, but here, as on page 6c, they probably designate the particular object constituting the sacrifice. The following details are to be noted regarding the six divisions:—

1. The god A with his two signs in 2 and 3.

2. D with the signs 6 and 7.

3. F with the signs 10 and 11 (the latter c).

4. E with the signs 14 and 15, having on his head a structure, which is compounded apparently of a Kan sign, a snail and the suggestion of the maize plant.

5. G, clad in the gala cloak and the copal bag. His sign is 18, while 19 suggests rather the Moan or K.

6. B, his headdress displays the little circles, which often occur in connection with him, e.g., pages 30c, 40a and 41a, and which may suggest the starry sky. His sign is 22; the hieroglyph m is added to it in 23 as a determinative.

As usual, the fourth sign of each group is the most puzzling. 4 and 12 are Imix with the uplifted arm as a prefix, as on page 13a, 8 is the hieroglyph o, 16 is a, 20 is c and the principal part of 24 is r. This sign r seems to me to suggest the week of 13 days (see above the explanation of page 4a); four weeks of this kind end here.

It is to be noted further that all the six gods are holding one hand outstretched:—A downward, B upward and the four in the centre forward.

Page 12c.

This is another Tonalamatl divided into 4 × 65, the subdivisions being transferred to the end of the second, fourth and fifth weeks. The Chuen at the bottom is superfluous.

The twelve hieroglyphs standing here according to rule are grouped together in fours by the three pairs of the first row. Of these 1, 5 and 9 are the fist, familiar from the inscriptions, and which we also see on page 10b of this manuscript, where, to be sure, it occurs with the sign of B, as often happens, but here it has the closed eye of the death-god A. On the other hand, 2, 6 and 10 are the sign Kin = sun, with merely a dotted outline, and the three gods pictured below all hold the same Kin sign in their hands. This passage, may refer to the dying sun, the winter solstice.

The first god is D, who, however, has B's head on top of his own. An object like a spyglass projects from the eye of B, which one could hardly venture to pronounce a nose-peg. The sign 4 (Ahau) refers to D; but what is the meaning of 3, the hieroglyph of the serpent deity H? Is the sun wounded?

The second god is the baldheaded old deity, whom Schellhas designates as N. The hieroglyph 7, apparently referring to the five Uayeyab days, is his sign; we found it on page 4b and shall again find it on page 21c, and this time likewise with the old man. What is the meaning of the grain-goddess E denoted by sign 8? As N is connected with the close of the year, so E seems to be in various ways connected with the beginning of the new year.

The third picture is unmistakably the sun-god G with the copal pouch hanging from his neck. His sign is 11, while sign 12, which suggests the wind-god K and balled-up clouds, is as difficult to explain here as it was on page 11c. The signs 8 and 12 seem, therefore, to refer to one another, and, if I do not see too much, look like a promise of rain and harvest.

On page 12 the Tonalamatls of the three sections of the page come to an end and a new part of the manuscript begins.

Page 13a.

I shall here group together pages 13 and 14, the top third of 14 encroaches a little upon page 15. 13a has the following Tonalamatl:—

I have supplied the first day, which is effaced. The week days are wanting. The 52 days are divided into halves of 26 days each.

Of the 8 hieroglyphs the fifth seems to be the same as the destroyed first; aside from the prefix, it is the sign s.

The two halves of the period have two gods, the first is B with a very singular head-ornament, and the second A, perhaps with the symbol of a snail on his head. Both hold a plant (agave) in their hands, as on pages 10b and 12a. Hieroglyph 2, which is mostly destroyed, must have been B's monogram, 4 has the Ahau as its determinative, and 3 is the elongated head q with Ben-Ik.

In the second group 6 and 8 are the signs of A, and 7 is an Imix with the uplifted arm prefixed, as on page 10c.

Pages 14a—15a.

The month days 13 and 5 have changed places in the manuscript. The initial day VIII Ahau will prove to be of especial importance in the second part of the manuscript (compare page 70). Here, as in the preceding Tonalamatl, the period is divided into equal parts.

Little can be said of the hieroglyphs, 16 in number, since 6, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15 and 16 are wholly or mostly destroyed. 3, 7 and 11 seem here to be a comprehensive element, as is also probably 15, but I am unable to refer this head to a particular god; 2, 6, 10 and 14 may also be alike, but this is very uncertain. 1, 5, 9 and 13 may have denoted the four cardinal points, at least 1 suggests the south and 5 the north.

Thus we have left for the four deities E, H, A and G, only the signs 4, 8, 12 and 16; 4 surely belongs to E, and 8 to H, but the other two are erased.

Pages 13b—14b.

There are 24 hieroglyphs for the 6 divisions:—

Of these the upper row again contains the comprehensive signs, and the lower the discriminating characters. The closed eye in 1, 5, 9, 13, 17 and 21 suggests A, who also appears below as the first of the six gods, and the superfix of these signs suggests the south. 2, 6, 10, 14, 18 and 22 are the Kan sign, and we also find this sign in the hand of each of the six gods. Thus the subject of this passage seems strictly speaking to be harvest or food.

The six gods are A, E, C, L, F and D; the second, third fourth and fifth have a bird on their heads. The first and fourth birds are eating, as on pages 11a and 12b, and thus probably represent enemies of the harvest. The first is of a different species from the other two. The four gods in the centre have the copal pouch about their necks. Signs 3 and 4 are the common hieroglyphs for A; 7 that for E, to which o is added as a determinative; 11 is C's hieroglyph with an a added to it, and L is undoubtedly denoted by sign 15; 16 is r (equal to 13 days; it is meant here for the day III Cib). F appears quite according to rule in 19, which is appropriately followed by the sign c in 20. Finally the hieroglyphs for D in 23 and 24 are the usual ones.

We come now to the large section extending to page 23, which, owing to the numerous pictures of women, forms a section quite by itself. It is not likely that this contains anything else than oracles relating to pregnancy; in fact, the period of 260 days represented here with great frequency is in excellent accord with this subject. In the Codex Tro-Cort. there is also a section devoted to women, which corresponds to this chapter and particularly page 19* of the Troano affords remarkable parallels to the Dresdensis, even in details.

Pages 13c—14c.

The second of the two vertical rows on the left should be considered as immediately joined to the first. Thus we have here the second example in this manuscript of a Tonalamatl of ten parts; the first was on page 9c.

The entire representation on 13c and 14c looks like an introduction to the following section, as though treating in general of the relation to one another of pairs of animals, of human beings and of deities. Corresponding with the Tonalamatl, there are four pairs of this kind represented.

The hieroglyphs belonging to these pictures are distributed among the four sections as follows:—

Apparently, the first two pictures have only 4 signs each, and the other two 6, but this is equalized by the fact, that hieroglyphs 1, 3, 5, and 7 are clearly each composed of two signs. The comprehensive sign appearing in 2, 6, 9 and 16, is, properly speaking, the sign t, which may denote coition, and, not unsuitably, contains in its centre two black figures side by side.

Passing now to the separate four groups, I think the male figure is always on the right and the female on the left. In the first and second groups the two face each other, and in the other two groups the male is behind the female.

1. The female figure is an animal, perhaps a deer, the male is a black and white spotted deity having a human form and his head appropriately embellished with horns. The hieroglyphs belonging to these are:—1, a combination of Manik and Chuen with a prefixed 4, just as on page 21b; 3, likewise a compound sign, with a prefixed 7, which occurs also on page 46c on the left, and which I do not venture to explain, but which seems to denote horns, and lastly the hieroglyph c.

2. The female figure is an animal (on page 19a the female is represented more in resemblance to the human form) with a bird-head, to which belongs the compound sign s, still unexplained; the male figure is a barking (or howling?) dog, as on page 21b. Hieroglyph 7 is composite and contains first the sign generally belonging to the dog and suggesting a skeleton, which also represents the 14th month, and secondly, a Cimi closely related to it, precisely the same as in the parallel passage 21b. The well-known q follows in the 8th place.

3. The god D holds in front of himself an animal, which may be a rabbit. His signs are hieroglyphs 11 and 12, while 13, the principal part of which is a grasping hand, clutching a Moan sign, seems to refer to the animal in the picture. 10 is b and 14 is a.

4. Lastly, two beings in human guise, showing thus a closer connection with what follows. They are the black god L with his hieroglyph in 18 enlarged by an Imix, and a woman holding a Kan sign in her hand, hieroglyph 20 likewise showing the ordinary combination of Imix-Kan. Sign 15, however, refers to the woman, and lastly 17 and 19 are the signs m and r; I note that r ends a period of 13 days.

The contents of the following seem to suggest that we should first read page 15 (including the middle section of 16) from top to bottom, then pages 16-23, partly from left to right and partly from top to bottom, according to the subject.

Page 15a.

There are two pictures with 4 hieroglyphs each.

The two pictures represent D and A, the latter probably as feminine. Both are falling headfirst, and both have leaves about them as if they were falling from a tree and a cry is issuing from A's mouth. The common element is given in hieroglyphs 2, 3 and 7, which are all signs of D. Further, 4 is the Chuen sign, the ape (as the animal living on trees?), its prefix is hieroglyph r, which I regard as denoting the week of 13 days and which falls here exactly on the day XIII. And the same Chuen sign is repeated in the second group as the first part of sign 6, the second part of which is illegible. 8 is the sign of A and 1 is effaced.

Pages 15b—16b.

That is 4 × 65 = 260 days. Hence the sign of Ik repeated at the bottom, as is usual in such cases, is superfluous.

The Tonalamatl contains 4 figures, of which 1 and 2 form one pair and 3 and 4 another.

As on page 15a, the pair at the left are falling down and also have leaves about them. They are god B, who holds a Kan sign in his hand, and a woman, whose eyes are closed and who holds the sign of death before her breast. B is falling down in a similar fashion in Cort. 17. Hieroglyphs 1-8 belong to this pair. Of these, 1, 5 and 8 and also 7 refer to death, 3 with the determinative sign, 4, added (which is the sign q with a Ben-Ik), refers to B, while signs 2 and 6 belonging to god D, who occurred in the preceding Tonalamatl, should be noted.

The pair at the right on the other hand is seated, the woman apparently on the curved handle of a vessel. The head-ornament and hieroglyph of the female figure prove that she is the serpent deity H, while the male figure is the rare black deity M, whom we find again with his sign on page 43a for example; he holds a bone in his hand. Hieroglyphs 9 and 13 agree. The lower part of these hieroglyphs is the fist with the thumb unfolded, the sign at the top seeming to be merely an empty outline (Muluc?) and thus, like 1 and 5 of the preceding group, they seem to refer to a sacrifice offered to the death-god. 10 and 14 are again, strange to say, like 2 and 6 of the preceding group, the sign of D. 11 is the hieroglyph of H, who is represented below as feminine, and that 12 is a complement of 11 is proved by the upper part of this uncommon hieroglyph, which corresponds to the object in H's hand, and which is repeated on page 18a with the same figure; compare also page 8b. 15 is surely the hieroglyph of M, who is pictured below, as in the Tro. 2a and 22*a where the same M appears with the same hieroglyph, and to him belongs in 16 the sign r, which I am inclined to consider the week of 13 days, and which here, as on 14c, ends a section of 13 days.

Page 15c.

This is a Tonalamatl of ten parts, the days are to be read in the following order:—Lamat, Ix, Ahau, Cimi, etc.

There are two figures, A probably conceived as feminine and D with the same head-ornament as on page 10; both hold in their hands a Kin = sun. Hieroglyphs 2 and 6 are also the Kin sign, while 1 and 5 have the closed eye of A, but differ in their secondary parts, the sign suggesting the south being a suffix in 1 and a superfix in 5; 1, however, has an affix, while 5 has as a prefix a sign differing from the affix in 1. 3 and 4 are the signs of A, 7 that of D, next to which in 8 one would expect to see an Ahau, but instead of this there is again the sign of H (borrowed from page 15b?).

This seems to end the subject of coition; now, in natural course, follows the subject of pregnancy, to which I believe the following Tonalamatl is exclusively devoted.