An Impartial and Authentic Account of the Civil War in the Canadas/Chapter IV

Chapter IV. Military Occupation of the Richelieu.
Departure of Colonel Gore — His Force — A Conjecture — His March — No Enemy — The Escape — The Burnings — Occupation of the Villages — Sympathy in Vermont — A Skirmish and Capture — The District quiet. Want of plan on the part of the Insurgents.

OUR second chapter closed with the sudden return of the troops from the expedition against St. Charles, we now take up the narrative of the second military operation in that section of the country.

After the evacuation of St. Charles on the 27th or 28th of November by Colonel Wetherall, it was reported that the insurgents had again taken possession of the village. Further accounts stated that the armed force had retired upon St. Denis; that the insurgents were there still in considerable force; and that they were making such defences as were in their power. It was also understood that the peasantry were in arms in other parts of the country.

Within the city, at the same time, the alarm had somewhat subsided. Wetherall had returned, to a certain extent successful; the volunteer force was great and increasing; and the north-west side of the city had been put into a tolerable state of defence; so that the commander of the forces found himself in a position to spare a considerable regular force to complete the conquest of the disturbed district.

Accordingly, on the 30th of November (Thursday), Colonel Gore left Montreal, by steam-boat, for Sorel, where he arrived the same evening, having under his command nearly eight hundred men, with three field pieces, and a supply of Congreve rockets. This force consisted of four companies of the 32nd, two companies of the 66th, two companies of the 83rd, and one company of the 24th, together with the necessary detachment of the artillery, and a small detachment of the volunteer cavalry, in all nearly 800 men.

A rumour was current at Montreal, at the time that the real destination of this force was St. Benoit, otherwise called Grand Brulé the supposed intention being that it should, instead of proceeding to Sorel, land at the lower end of the island, and march against the insurgents with as much secrecy and dispatch as possible. This proved a mere conjecture. The river Richelieu was the destination of the force, and its object was to disperse the insurgents and to occupy the country.

On the morning of the 1st of December, Colonel Gore attempted to break the ice of the Richelieu with the steam-boat, John Bull; but on proceeding one mile, he found it utterly impracticable. He was, therefore, compelled to land the troops and march to St. Ours, the first village on the river, where ho halted for the night. His object, in attempting to ascend the river, was doubtless, (under the impression that St. Denis was still occupied) to avoid the harass and fatigue of a march, of which he had already had fatal experience.

Let us here leave Colonel Gore for a time, in order to present to the reader a few extracts from a letter from Mr. Brown to the New York Daily Express, giving the details of his escape from St. Denis.

After the affair of St. Charles, it appears that many of the insurgents, who had arms, repaired to St. Denis; the rest, together with the unarmed, dispersing to their homes. Here they remained until the news arrived that the troops were at St. Ours, and it became necessary to determine at once on the course to be pursued. Accordingly, seeing that there was no simultaneous rising elsewhere, and that to continue in force — which Brown asserts they could have done — would only be to draw the enemy after them (for he admitted they would have been compelled to retreat) to the great loss of life and destruction of property, they prudently determined on flight.

"We, therefore," says Mr. Brown, "told our men to go home quietly for the present, and to be in readiness to assemble at the first signal. For ourselves, a full pardon to all had been offered, on condition of our being delivered into the hands of Government; and we felt no ambition to become the vicarious sacrifice for the political offences of the county of Richelieu. * * With these considerations we determined on visiting the States."

Accordingly, Mr. Brown and his companion, whom he does not name, but who may be presumed to have been Dr. Wolfred Nelson, with five Canadians, "who considered emigration expedient," left St. Denis in carts towards the boundary of Missisquoi county, but being apprised that the roads were occupied by militia, they were compelled to take to the woods.

"After breakfast," continues Mr. Brown, "we crossed to the right or northern bank of the Yamaska river, and continued walking until night-fall, when" we found ourselves in a tremendous windfall, the prostrate trees crossing in every direction, through which we forced ourselves, like small fish through a salmon net, until we arrived at a swamp, when darkness prevented our going forward. The proximity of some huts prevented our making a fire. To compensate for the absence of sleep for the last forty hours, I had the consolation of getting my back against a tree, with my knees drawn up, to keep my feet out of the water, which refreshing posture was disturbed about two o'clock in the morning by violent rain, which lasted until day-light, at which time our march was resumed. The outer world was fair and beautiful; but in the forest, the constant dripping from the trees was like a shower-bath from an ice-house. * * * *

Onward we packed till night, when, choosing a dry spot, we kindled a fire, collected hemlock branches for our beds, dried our clothes, and passed a comfortable night. For food, we had found during the day, a few small turnips, * * * and for drink, the swamp pools furnished abundance. * * * On Monday early, (they had commenced their foot journey on Friday,) we reached the skirt of the wood, when, what was our horror on discovering that we had got into the throat of a still stronger wolf than that which we had left behind; we were, in fact, close upon the tory village of Granby, where a guard appeared to be stationed. Our guide, like Natty Bumppo, deceived by the clearings, had lost his way. Returning to the woods, we discovered the northern branch of the Yamaska about a mile (distant) when ____ who is of a Kentucky frame, dashed into the water, and fording the river, wanted us to follow him. By comparing the water-line on his body with a section of a corresponding height upon our own, we saw that the same experiment upon ourselves would approach too nearly to submarine, we therefore listened to our guide's statement, that there was a better place lower down. By moving towards this place, we lost sight of ____ entirely, and upon reaching it, our guide, under pretence of looking a little further, deserted us for ever."

Here his Canadian companions determined to return to the French settlements, whilst he pushed on towards the south. Shortly after his companions left him, he ventured into a cabin, where he found only an Irish woman. She charitably offered to boil some potatoes for him, but learning from her that an American lived hard by, he proceeded at once towards his clearing.

"In coming to the house," continues Mr. Brown, "how grateful to my ears was the sharp voice of the wife, scolding her children. It was a Yankee voice. Upon entering the dwelling, which was composed of one room, without a chimney, but with a tremendous pile of wood burning upon the hearth, the smoke from which escaped through a hole in the roof, I asked for some milk. The lady eyed me suspiciously, 'she guessed she had none — the children had eat it all up.' I had, however, scarcely felt the genial influence of the blazing fire, when a bowl of milk, with bread, was on the table, and instantaneously the frying-pan was hissing on the coals, with pork."

Here follows an apostrophe to "woman," Mr. Brown being a poet, but we omit it. Suffice it to say, that he was well entertained by the generous Yankee, in whose hut he slept and breakfasted.

"On Tuesday morning, after eating a hearty breakfast, I crossed the branch of the Yamaska, in a canoe. Three miles walk through the woods brought me to the south branch, up which I walked until I found another canoe, in a clearing, when I was ferried over by a Canadian woman."

After passing a bridge in the night, whilst the volunteer guard was changing, and sleeping for some time in the woods, he reached within two miles of Dunham village, where he struck into the woods, in order to gain the Stanbridge road. Had he succeeded, he must have been captured, as the whole of that township, together with the seigneurie of St. Armand to the frontier, was occupied by loyal volunteers. Fatigue and lameness, however, prevented his continuing further, and he was compelled to return to one of the houses in the neighbourhood, and make as good a story as he could devise.

"As I approached," he continues, "I met the owner, to whom I said, 'I was going through the woods, but it looks so like snow, that I'll continue till morning.' He looked an instant in my face, and then exclaimed 'Brown, I know you, but here are four friends of yours, and you are safe. I have just come from the Flat — they are all after you; old Caper was firing his old gun, he swore he would shoot you, if he could see you. I daren't take you into the house, so you must come into the barn."

Here he was obliged to remain, shifting from barn to barn, till his lameness subsided. In three days, he was enabled to walk, and at length reached Berkshire, in the state of Vermont. On Saturday, he moved southward. "The first Montreal paper I saw," he adds, "contained, sure enough, a reward for my head, and that of ____. We certainly have precedence on the list, but I do not like the classification, and consider the valuation far below my own estimate."

Such are the material portions of the letter published in the New York papers, as Mr. Brown's own account of his escape, the parts we have left out being wholly unimportant. His companion, assuming that Dr. Wolfred Nelson was the person he alludes to, was not so fortunate; he was taken in a state of exhaustion from hunger, cold and fatigue, and on the 13th of December, was lodged in the Montreal gaol.

Return we now to the troops under Colonel Gore, whom we left at St. Ours, on the night of the 1st of December.

On the morning of the 2nd of December, he entered the village of St. Denis, where he met with no opposition. His first step was to bum the property of Dr. Wolfred Nelson, which in the course of that day and the next was entirely destroyed. The destruction of property did not stop here. The house which the insurgents had occupied during the absence of the owner, a widow lady, named St. Germain, and from which the most galling fire upon the troops had been kept up, was also demolished or burned. This was unquestionably a case of cruelty. Madame St. Germain had not offended, but her house was accidentally so situated, and moreover, so strongly built, that it afforded convenient shelter to the insurgents, and became the chief source of annoyance to the troops. Some of the American papers are exceedingly witty at Colonel Gore's expense. They insinuate, that when men opposed him, he beat a retreat; but when the men had gone, his unchecked valour let itself loose upon the undefended property of a woman! The insinuation is not wholly just, inasmuch as Colonel Gore evinced considerable perseverance against difficulties at the affair of St. Denis. We merely mention it to show the effect of the deliberate burning of the widow's property on the minds of the people of the States. Every American nurse has a choice collection of tales relative to the conduct of the troops, during the revolutionary war, — the burnings in Canada will doubtless be added to the list. In order to keep the neutrality of America unimpaired — to keep in abeyance the sympathy of the people of the United States, these burnings should certainly have been avoided. They violated good policy as much as humanity, and that is saying a great deal.

After leaving three companies and one piece of artillery to occupy Saint Denis, Colonel Gore continued his march to what remained of Saint Charles. Here he did not long stay, having received information that "some of the rebel chiefs were at St. Hyacinthe."

St. Hyacinthe is a beautiful village, situated on the Yamaska river in a seigneurie, and also in a county of the same name. The village is about eighteen miles from St. Denis and St. Charles, and is one of the most considerable in that part of the country, as it contains upwards of two hundred houses, some of them being built of brick, which is rather unusual in the seigneuries. The village also contains a large and handsome church, a good parsonage-house, and, above all, a well conducted college, or rather public school. There is a market here twice a week, and the travelling through the village is sufficient to support two good inns. The population of the whole parish is about 8,000.

Here a relation of M. Papineau has a house, at which that gentleman is in the habit of staying occasionally; hence the suspicion that "some of the rebel chiefs" were there. The proceedings at St. Hyacinthe we shall relate in the commanding officer's despatch: —

"I immediately proceeded, according to your Excellency's orders, to that place, which I entered in the evening, and surrounding the house, where Papineau usually resided, it was strictly searched, but without finding him.

"I was accompanied by M. Crenier, the parish priest, who gave me every information in his power; and I am happy to say, that it is his opinion that the hahitans now begin to see their folly, and that they have been grossly misled. They have returned to their homes in the whole of the counties between the Richelieu and the Yamaska, and gave every assistance required for transport.

"I halted the troops on the 4th, at St. Hyacinthe. The cure called an assemblée of the principal inhabitants and the hahitans; he addressed them with great eloquence, showing the selfish designs of their leaders, the folly of being led by them from their allegiance, exhorted them to continue in their homes, and assist in arresting the rebel chiefs, which they promised to do."

In the evening, the troops marched back to St. Charles. Two companies of the 83rd, with one gun, were directed to occupy it. A small detachment was left at St. Ours, and taking the remainder of the forces, namely, four companies of the 32nd, and one howitzer, Colonel Gore returned to Sorel, where he arrived on the morning of the 7th.

Whilst these things were going on, it was reported that the peasantry were again assembling near the frontier, in the direction of Stanbridge and Saint Armand, close upon Missisquoi Bay, and, in his despatch of the 7th December, Sir John Colborne ex-pressed his intention of sending troops thither in a few days to attack them.

It may here be mentioned, that when the people of the country, lying on the Richelieu frontier, rose to resist the troops, the inhabitants of all the towns between Burlington and the frontier, in the state of Vermont, evinced a very vivid interest in the struggle. At Highgate, immediately on the frontier, at St. Albans, at Montpelier, at Swanton, and at Burlington, the fugitives were well received, and assistance to some, though not to any very considerable extent, was rendered them. There was a good deal of excitement, and a general expression of sympathy; but the insurrection was too completely in the bud, and its result too problematical, to draw from the Americans any very active aid. The early reports were much more favourable to the patriots than the fact warranted. The success at St. Denis was magnified, and it was asserted that the regulars and volunteers had been dispersed at St. Charles. When this report reached Cambridge in Vermont ten guns were fired "in honour of the Honourable L.J. Papineau;" and, generally, throughout the northern part of that state, there was a disposition to a rise in favour of the Canadians. Arms were certainly furnished to a small body of Canadians, and had the insurgents succeeded in keeping out for a month or six weeks, there cannot be a doubt but that the people on the Vermont frontier would have been as active in favour of the Lower Canadians, as those of the New York frontier have since been in favour of the Upper Canadians under Mackenzie. A small body of men appears to have been equipped at Swanton, where the young women of the place presented them with a pair of colouns.

On the morning of the 6th of December, they entered Lower Canada at a point called Moor's Corner, not far from Highgate. Their numbers have been variously stated at from forty to two hundred; but it is probable they were nearer the latter number. It is supposed their intention was to cross the country, to reinforce the insurgents at St. Benoit; and this supposition is probably correct, as the force was too small to act independently, and of the state of the country on the Richelieu they could not be ignorant. This small body was led by M. Robert Bouchette, son of the Surveyor-General of the Province, whose maps of, and work on Canada, are well known in this country. The father is, of course, attached to the government; but the son had embraced the opinions of the majority, to which he gave effect by editing the Liberal, a paper published in Quebec in both languages.

M. Bouchette is a man of good ability, is well educated, and of gentlemanly address. He was married a few years since to an English ladyof noble family, who fell a victim to the cholera in 1832.

The only account we have of the ultimate fate of this small body of men under Bouchette, is contained in the reports of Captain Kemp, of the Missisquoi militia, and of Colonel Knowlton, colonel of the Shefford volunteers.

Captain Kemp, it appears had been charged to escort some arms from Philipsburg, and had under his command about fifty men. He had not long left the place when he was recalled by a report that a body of men from Swanton intended to bum the village that night. In consequence of this, he returned to Philipsburg, and collected men, whom he armed with the muskets under his charge.

Scouts now came in from Swanton with the intelligence that the body of men, above alluded to, well equipped, and having with them two pieces of cannon, had actually taken up their march for the province. Hereupon a position was taken up about half a mile south of the village, on the west road leading to Swanton. After some time, it was reported they were advancing along the east road. Here Captain Kemp immediately repaired, soon after which the expected adversary appeared, numbering, according to Captain Kemp's report, 200 strong. We now take up the words of the report.

"The force under my command amounted to about 300; but before it was possible for me to reduce them to order, the van of my line had commenced firing without command * * * This premature fire was instantly returned by the rebels, and the firing was kept up on both sides for about ten or fifteen minutes, when the enemy retreated back towards the state of Vermont, leaving behind one dead, two wounded, and three prisoners.

"One of the wounded is Robert Shore Milnes Bouchette, who led the advanced guard of the rebels, and is severely hurt. The other is slightly wounded, and reports himself to be a nephew of Julian Gagnon, of St. Valentin, in Acadie, habitant, the leader of the party. They left also two pieces of cannon, mounted on carriages, five kegs of gunpowder, six boxes of ball cartridge, seventy muskets, part of them in boxes, and two standards. From the undisciplined state of the loyalists, the darkness of the night, it being nine o'clock, and the vicinity of the woods, the rest of the party made their escape."

Sir John Colborne, in his despatch to Lord Fitzroy Somerset, states, that he had "directed Major Reid of the 32nd regiment, to proceed to St. Johns with part of the force which had returned to St. Charles from St. Hyacinthe, and unite with the companies under Lieut.-col. Hughes, assembled at that port for the purpose of attacking Bouchette's force; but that, fortunately, the vigilance of the Missisquoi militia had enabled him to withdraw several companies from St. Johns for the expedition at this time contemplated against the county of Two-Mountains."

It may here be proper to state, that the assistance rendered the Canadians by the inhabitants of Vermont, rendered it necessary that the executive of that state should give evidence that it was a spontaneous movement of the people independently, and not sanctioned by the state government. Accordingly, a few days after the defeat at Philipsburg, the governor of the state issued the following proclamation: —

"BY THE GOVERNOR. — It is well known to my fellow citizens that disturbances have broken out in the neighbouring province of Lower Canada, which have resulted in bloodshed. The head of the provincial government has issued his proclamation declaring martial law in the district of Montreal.

"This state of things necessarily changes the relations which have heretofore existed between the inhabitants of this state and that province; and the possibility that any, through the influence of ardent feelings, may be betrayed into acts of unauthorised interference, induces me to call the attention of my fellow-citizens to the subject.

"With the kingdom of Great Britain we are in a state of profound peace. We have treaties with that government which it is our duty, and I trust our desire, to fulfil to the letter.

"It is obvious that as a nation we have no right to intermeddle with the constitution of any neighbouring powers; while, as republicans, we prefer that form of government under which it is our happiness to live, a decent regard for the opinion of others will prevent all dictation as to the form of their government.

"Principles, which have been admitted for ages, prevent all national interference, unless in the character of allies, and it is scarcely necessary to add, that individuals should not do that which the government cannot — must not do.

"It has been represented to me that, in some few instances, arms have been furnished, and hostile forces organized within this state. No one can be ignorant of the consequences of such a state of things, if allowed. Such forces may be repelled, and our territory be made the theatre of active warfare. This is not to be tolerated for a moment, and every good citizen will appreciate the importance of rebuking all such acts as may tend to produce it.

"The amity which binds nations to each other, condemns all interference in their intestine broils; and the laws of Congress are explicit in their denunciations, subjecting those who improperly interfere to heavy penalties and imprisonment.

"Under these circumstances, and with these feelings, I have thought it my duty to issue this, my proclamation, cautioning my fellow-citizens against all acts that may subject them to penalties, or in any way compromise the government.

"Our first duty is to our government, and the greatest benefit we can confer on the world, is by giving them a perfect example of the action of that government. With other nations our conduct should be regulated by the principles of an enlarged and enlighted philanthropy.

"In war, we may treat them as enemies; but in peace, they are to be regarded as friends. In the present posture of affairs our duty is manifest — that of strict neutrality — neither lending such aid to either, as would be inconsistent with that character, nor denying the right of hospitality to either, so long as they are within our borders, and maintain the character of quiet and peaceable citizens.

"My fellow-citizens will appreciate the feelings by which I am actuated. The nation's honour cannot be in better hands than our own. Their zeal in the cause of liberty was never doubted. It is only necessary to caution them against such interference with the rights of others, as might jeopardize the peace of our country."

The above proclamation is a fair type of the power, or rather want of power of the United States' government, in restraining her citizens in the event of interference in the affairs of other nations. The tone of the proclamation is monitory not mandatory. The duty of the Americans as a nation is stated — all "national interference" is deprecated, and then individuals are reminded that they ought not to do that which their government must not — cannot do.

It is generally admitted that the laws of the United States on the subject under notice are a dead letter. This was proved in the case of Texas. The Mexican province of Texas did precisely what the British province of Canada is doing; and American citizens interfered without the least disguise; arming, equipping, raising money, and marching in considerable bodies to aid the insurgents. The Mexican President remonstrated; and the United States' government did all that the letter of the law of nations required to prevent any interference as a nation — "national interference," to adopt the phrase of the Vermont proclamation, was then, as it is now, deprecated; and yet individual assistance went on without check.

The United States' government must not be called either weak or treacherous on this occasion, or the British government must be deemed equally weak or treacherous on many occasions that could be named. We have often seen British men openly enlisted in this country to fight for the Greeks, the Spaniards, the Portuguese, without involving this government in war. But with us, the matter has not been limited to mere individual interference; we have, on more than one occasion, done what the American government never yet has done, violated neutrality with our allies. Leaving out of the account our wars in favour of legitimacy, and against the spread of liberal opinions, we need only remind the reader of our attack upon the Turks at Navarino; of our army of occupation sent to Portugal, and lastly of our recent sanction of the expedition of the British legion. Let us not marvel, therefore, if the American authorities content themselves by preventing only "national interference." If they were to attempt more, they would certainly fail. On this point, the following passage from the New Orleans Bee may be quoted, premising that the southern Americans have a powerful interest against the annexation of Canada to the States, on account of the preponderance it would give to the non-slave-holding portion of the union; yet, we find their sympathy with the Canadians overcoming even this strong sectional interest: —

"The Canadians feel the imposition and collection of taxes under the authority of the British government, and the appointment of one branch of the provincial legislature by the crown, as grievances not to be borne; and it is certainly unbecoming the descendants of the stem and fiery old Whigs of seventy-six, who went to war with the mother country for a duty of threepence a pound on tea, to say that these grievances of which the Canadians complain ought to be borne.

* * * * * * * * * *

"The situation of Canada, whatever may be the course of events, is highly interesting to the people of the United Sates. Should the provinces become absolved from allegiance to Great Britain without a recourse to arms, they will most probably seek to be attached to the union on a footing with the present members of the confederacy. The proposition of such a measure would give rise to angry debates in Congress, and hot contentions among the people, prompted and exasperated by geographical and sectional prejudices. If the present troubles should result in a civil war between England and her Canadian provinces, it would give rise to quarrels and dissensions between this country and England which might put the pacific dispositions of both to a serious test. Whatever might be the wishes, whatever might be the legislative enactments of our government, we know, by what we have witnessed in the Texian war, that the young men of the west and north could never be prevented from marching by thousands to the aid of the Canadians. Lures would be held out by those people to entice them into their service. The Canadian papers have more than once alluded to the important assistance they would derive from the rifles of the backwoods-men in case of a rupture with England. It is useless to disguise the fact that such assistance would be offered without being asked for. All the legislation of Congress — all the vigilance of the executive, could not prevent it. If English pride should take the alarm, war would be the consequence, and England would forget the example she herself has exhibited in the civil wars of Spain and Portugal."

Nothing more need be said in this place on the sympathy of the people of Vermont in favour of the Lower Canadians, because the immediate occasion for that sympathy has been suppressed or removed. We shall however, have occasion to return to, and enlarge upon the subject, when we come to describe the occurrences in the Upper Province — occurrences, which were of a nature to excite that sympathy in a much greater degree, and much more generally over the whole Union than those which we have hitherto described.

By the defeat of the patriots at Philipsburg, the suppression of the insurrection on the Richelieu seems to have been complete. Sir John Colbome reports the "deluded peasantry to have returned to their homes," and that the country was perfectly tranquil.

The number of prisoners in gaol, just previous to the expedition against Grand Brulé, which we shall describe in the next chapter, was, as nearly as we can collect, about sixty, of whom thirty-seven had been taken with arms in their hands. Among the whole number were only five of any note, namely, L. M. Viger, M.P.P.; Dr. Wolfred Nelson; Come Cherrier, M.P.P.; R. S. M. Bouchette; and Toussaint Pelletier.

There are besides some men of consideration and respectability in their several counties, but the above are the only prisoners of general importance.

In bringing this chapter to a close, it may be well to state that the importance of Colonel Gore's second expedition to the dominant party must by no means be measured by the total absence of

—— "Most disastrous chances,

Of moving accidents by flood and field,

Of hair-breadth 'scapes i' the imminent deadly breach"

Of these, it was his good fortune as we have seen to experience nothing. The value of his uninterrupted progress depends on this: — that it totally removed all cause of alarm in the minds of the anti-popular party of the city, and thereby enabled Sir John Colborne to commence his preparations for the expedition into the county of Two Mountains — an expedition which, according to his own words, he did not deem himself justified in attempting until perfect quiet was restored on the river Richelieu.

The events detailed in this chapter occupied one week, and bring the narrative down to the 7th of December. The whole of the ensuing week was occupied in collecting the troops at Montreal, and in refreshing and preparing them for the contemplated expedition. The volunteers, at this time, could be safely entrusted with the defence of the city, because, in point of fact, there was nothing against which it required defence, as the troops were about to proceed in a direction between the city and the only remaining stronghold of the insurgent patriots. Whilst armed resistance was thus confined to a narrow spot, all fear of a diversion elsewhere had been removed.

The next chapter will contain the details of the expedition alluded to, leaving to that which follows the narration of such matters as immediately followed the final suppression of the disturbances in the province.