An Enquiry into the Causes of the late Increase of Robbers/Section 4

SECT. IV.

Of the Laws that relate to the for the Poor.

Having now run through the everal immediate Conequences of a general Luxury among the lower People, all which, as they tend to promote their Ditreses, may be reaonably uppoed to put many of them of the bolder Kind upon unlawful and violent Means of relieving the Michief which uch Vices have brought upon them; I come now to a econd Caue of the Evil, in the improper Regulation of what is called the Poor in this Kingdom, ariing, I think, partly from the Abue of ome Laws, and partly from the total Neglect of others; and (if I may preume to ay it) omewhat perhaps from a Defect in the Laws themelves.

It mut be a Matter of Atonihment to any Man to reflect, that in a Country where the Poor are, beyond all Comparion, more liberally provided for than in any other Part of the habitable Globe, there hould be found more Beggars, more ditret and mierable Objects than are to be een throughout all the States of Europe.

And yet undoubted as this Fact is, I am far from agreeing with Mr. Shaw, who ays, 'There are few, if any Nations or Countries where the Poor are more neglected, or are in a more candalous naty Condition than in England. Whether (says he) this is owing to that natural inbred Cruelty for which Englihmen are o much noted among Foreigners, or to that Medley of Religions which are o plentifully own, and o carefully cherihed among us; who think it enough to take Care of themelves, and take a ecret Pride and Pleaure in the Poverty and Ditreses of thoe of another Peruaion, &c.'

That the Poor are in a very naty and candalous Condition is, perhaps, too true; but ure the general Charge againt the People of England, as well as the invidious Aperion on particular Bodies of them, is highly unjut and groundles. Nor do I know that any Nation hath ventured to fix this Character of Cruelty on us. Indeed our Inhopitality to Foreigners hath been ometimes remarked; but that we are cruel to one another is not, I believe, the common, I am ure it is not the true Opinion. Can a general Neglect of the Poor be jutly charged on a Nation in which the Poor are provided for by a Tax frequently equal to what is called the Land-Tax, and where there are uch numerous Intances of private Donations, uch Numbers of Hopitals, Alms-houes, and charitable Proviions of all Kinds?

Nor can any uch Neglect be charged on the Legilature; under whoe Inpection this Branch of Polity hath been almot continually from the Days of Queen Elizabeth to the preent Time. Inomuch that Mr. Shaw himelf enumerates no les than thirteen Acts of Parliament relating to the indigent and helples Poor.

If therefore there be till any Deficiency in this Repect, it mut, I think, arie from one of the three Caues abovementioned; that is, from ome Defect in the Laws themelves, or from the Perverion of thee Laws; or, latly, from the Neglect in their Execution.

I will conider all thee with ome Attention.

The 43d of Eliz. enacts:

Firt, That the Churchwardens of every Parih, and two ubtantial Houeholders at leat, hall be yearly appointed to be Overeers of the Poor.

Secondly, That thee Overeers hall, with the Conent of two Jutices of the Peace, put out Apprentices the Children of poor People. And all married or unmarried Perons, who have no Means or Trade to maintain themelves, hall be put to Work.

Thirdly, That they hall raie, by a Parochial Tax, a convenient Stock of Flax, Hemp, Wool, Thread, Iron, and other Ware and Stuff, to et the Poor to Work.

Fourthly, That they hall, from the ame Tax, provide towards the necesary Relief of the Lame, Impotent, Old, Blind, and others, being Poor, and not able to work.

Fifthly, That they hall, out of the ame Tax, put the Children of poor Perons Apprentices.

That thee Proviions may all be executed, that Act veted the Overeers with the following Powers; and enforced the executing them by the following Penalties.

I. The Overeers are appointed to meet once at leat every Month in the Church after Divine Service; there, ays the Act, to conider of ome good Coure to be taken, and ome meet Order to be et down in the Premies. And to do this they are enjoined by a Penalty: For every one abenting himelf from uch Meeting, without a jut Excue, to be allowed by two Jutices of the Peace, or being negligent in his Office, or in the Execution of the Orders aforeaid, forfeits 20s.

And after the End of their Year, and after other Overeers nominated, they are, within four Days, to make and yield up to two Jutices of the Peace a true and perfect Account of all Sums of Money by them received or asesed, and of uch Stores as hall be in their Hands, or in the Hands of the Poor to work, and of all other Things concerning their Office, &c. And if the Churchwardens and Overeers refue to account, they are to be committed by two Jutices till they hall have made a true Account.

II. The Overeers and Churchwardens, both preent and ubequent, are empowered, by Warrant from two Jutices, to levy all the Monies asesed, and all Arrearages of thoe who refue to pay, by Ditres and Sale of the Refuers Goods; and the ubequent Overeers may, in the ame manner, levy the Money and Stock in the Hands of the Precedent: And for Want of Ditres, the Party is to be committed by two Jutices, without Bail, till the ame be paid.

III. They have a Power to compel the Poor to work; and uch as refue or neglect, the Jutice may commit to the Houe of Correction or common Gaol.

IV. The Overeers may compel Children to be Apprentices, and may bind them where they hall ee convenient; till the Man-child hall attain the Age of 24, or the Woman-child the Age of 21, or till the Time of her Marriage; the Indenture to be as effectual to all Purpoes as the Covenant of one of full Age.

V. They have a Power to contract with the Lord of the Manor, and on any Parcel of Ground on the Wate, to erect, at the general Charge of the Parih, convenient Houes of Dwelling for the impotent Poor; and to place everal Inmates in the ame Cottage, notwithtanding the Statute of Cottages.

VI. They can compel the Father and Grandfather, Mother and Grandmother, and Children of every poor, old, blind, and impotent Peron, or of any other Peron not being able to work (provided uch Father, &c. be of ufficient Ability) at their own Charges to relieve and maintain uch poor Peron in uch Manner and after uch Rate, as hall be asesed by the Sesions, under the Penalty of 20s. for every Month's Omision.

VII. If no Overeers be named, every Jutice within the Diviion forfeits 5l.

So far this Statute of Elizabeth, by which the Legilature may eem very fully to have provided, firt, For the abolute Relief of uch Poor as are, by Age or Infirmity, rendered unable to work; and, econdly, For the Employment of uch as are able.

The former of thee, ays Lord Hale, in his Dicoure on this Subject, 'eems to be a Charity of more immediate Exigence; but the latter (viz. the Employment of the Poor) is a Charity of greater Extent, and of very great and important Conequence to the public Wealth and Peace of the Kingdom, as alo to the Benefit and Advantage of the Poor.' And this, as Mr. Shaw oberves, 'would prevent the Children of our Poor being brought up in Lazines and Beggary, whereby Beggary is entailed from Generation to Generation: This is certainly the greatet Charity; for though he who gives to any in Want, does well, yet he who employs and educates the Poor, o as to render them ueful to the Public does better; for that would be many hundred thouand Pounds per Ann. Benefit to this Kingdom.'

Now the former of thee Proviions hath, perhaps, though in a very lovenly and inadequate Manner, been partly carried into Execution; but the latter, I am afraid I may too boldly asert, hath been utterly neglected and diregarded. Surely this is a mot candalous Perverion of the Deign of the Legilature, which through the whole Statute eems to have had the Employment of the able Poor chiefly under their Conideration. For to this purpoe only almot every power in it is etablihed, and every Claue very manifetly directed. To ay the Truth, as this Law hath been perverted in the Execution, it were, perhaps, to be wihed it had never been made. Not becaue it is not our Duty to relieve real Objects of Ditres; but becaue it is o much the Duty of every Man, and I may add, o much the Inclination of mot Englihmen, that it might have been afely left to private Charity; or a public Proviion might urely have been made for it in a much cheaper and more effectual Manner.

To prove the Abue of this Law, my Lord Hale appeals to all the populous Parihes in England, (he might, I believe, have included ome which are not over populous) 'Indeed, ays he, there are Rates made for the Relief of the impotent Poor; and it may be the ame Relief is alo given in a narrow Meaure unto ome others that have great Families, and upon this they live mierably, and at bet from hand to mouth; and if they cannot get Work to make out their Livelihood, they and their Children et up a Trade of Begging at bet; but it is rare to ee any Proviion of a Stock in any Parih for the Relief of the Poor; and the Reaons are principally there: 1. The Generality of People that are able, are yet unwilling, to exceed the preent necesary Charge; they do chooe to live for an Hour, rather than project for the future; and although posibly trebling their Exhibition in one gros Sum at the Beginning of the Year, to raie a Stock, might in all probability render their future yearly Payments, for even Years together, les by Half, or Two thirds, than what mut be without it, yet they had rather continue on their yearly Payments, Year after Year, tho' it exhaut them in time, and make the Poor nothing the better at the Year's end. 2. Becaue thoe Places, where there are mot Poor, conist for the mot Part of Trademen whoe Etates lie principally in their Stocks, which they will not endure to be earched into to make them contributary to raie any coniderable Stock for the Poor, nor indeed o much as to the ordinary Contributions: But they lay all the Rates to the Poor upon the Rents of Lands and Houes, which alone, without the Help of the Stocks, are not able to raie a Stock for the Poor, although it is very plain that Stocks are as well by Law rateable as Lands, both to the Relief and raiing a Stock for the Poor. 3. Becaue the Churchwardens and Overeers, to whom this Power is given, are Inhabitants of the ame Parih, and are either unwilling to charge themelves or to dipleae their Neighbours in charging more than they needs mut towards the Poor: And although it were to be wihed and hoped that the Jutices of the Peace would be forward to enforce them if they might, though it may concern them alo in point of preent Profit; yet if they would do any thing herein, they are not empowered to compel the Churchwardens and Overeers to do it, who mot certainly will never go about it to burden, as they think, themelves, and dipleae their Neighbours, unles ome compulory Power were not only lodged by Law, but alo executed by ome that may have a Power over them to enforce it; or to do it, if they do it either partially or too paringly. 4. Becaue People do not conider the Inconvenience that will in Time grow to themelves by this Neglect, and the Benefit that would in a little Time accrue to them by putting it in Practice, if they would have but a little Patience.'

To thee I will add a fifth Reaon: Becaue the Churchwardens and Overeers are too apt to conider their Office as a Matter of private Emolument; to wate Part of the Money raied for the Ue of the Poor in Feating and Riot; and too often to pervert the Power given them by the Statute to foreign, and ometimes to the very wort of Purpoes.

The above Coniderations bring my Lord Hale to complain of ome Defects in the Law itelf; 'in which,' ays he, 'there is no Power from the Jutices of the Peace, nor any uperintendent Power, to compel the raiing of a Stock where the Churchwardens and Overeers neglect it.

'The Act chargeth every Parih apart, where it may be they are liable to do little towards it; neither would it be o effectual as if three, four, five, or more contiguous Parihes did contribute towards the raiing of a Stock proportionably to their Poor repectively.

'There is no Power for hiring or erecting a common Houe, or Place, for their common Workhoue; which may be, in ome Repects, and upon ome Occaions, ueful and necesary.'

As to the firt of thee, I do not find any Alteration hath been made, nor if there was, might it posibly produce any deired Effect. The Conequence, as it appears, would be only making Churchwardens of the Jutices of the Peace, which many of them are already, not highly to the Satifaction of their Parihes; too much Power veted in one Man being too apt perhaps to beget Envy.

The econd and third do pretty near amount to one and the ame Defect; And this, I think, is iat preent totally removed. Indeed, in my Lord Hale's own Time, though probably after he had written this Treatie, a Workhoue was erected in London under the Powers given by the Statute made in the 13 and 14 of Charles II. and I believe with very good Succes.

Since that Time other Corporations have followed the Example, as the City of Britot in the Reign of King William, and that of Worceter in the Reign of Quen Anne , and in other Places.

And now by a late Statute, made in the Reign of King George I. the Power of erecting Workhoues is made general over the Kingdom.

Now either this Method, propoed by Lord Hale, is inadequate to the Purpoe; or this Act of Parliament hath been groly perverted: For certain it is that the Evil is not removed, if indeed it be lesened, by the Erection of Workhoues. Perhaps, indeed, one Objection which my Lord Hale makes to the Statute of Eliz. may here recur, eeing that there is nothing compulory, but all left to the Will and Direction of the Inhabitants.

But in Truth the Method itelf will never produce the deired Effect, as the excellent Sir Joiah Child well oberves ,—'It may be objected, ays he, that this Work (the Proviion for the Poor) may as well be done in ditinct Parihes, if all Parihes were obliged to build Workhoues, and employ their Poor therein, as Dorcheter and ome others have done with good Succes. I anwer, that uch Attempts have been made in many Places to my Knowledge, with very good Intents and trenuous Endeavours, but all that I ever heard of proved vain and ineffectual.' For the Truth of which, I believe, we may appeal to common Experience.

And, perhaps, no les ineffectual would be the Scheme, propoed by this worthy Gentleman, tho' it eems to promie fairer than that of the learned Chief Jutice; yet neither of them eem to trike at the Root of the Evil. Before I deliver any Sentiments of my own, I hall briefly take a View of the many ubequent Proviions with which the Legilature have from Time to Time enforced and trengthened the foregoing Statute of Elizabeth.

The Power of putting out Children Apprentices is enforced by the 3d of Charles I. which enacts, 'that all Perons to whom the Overeers hall bind Children by Virtue of the Statute of Eliz. may receive and keep them as Apprentices.' But there yet wanted, as Lord Hale ays, a ufficient Compulory for Perons to take them; wherefore it is enacted, by 8 and 9 Will. III. 'That all Perons to whom Apprentices are appointed to be bound by the Overeers with the Conent of the Jutices, hall receive them, and execute the other Part of the Indenture, under the Penalty of 10l. for refuing, to be recovered before two Jutices, on the Oath of one of the Churchwardens or Overeers.'

The Power of etting the Poor to Work is enlarged by 3 Charles I. This Act gives the Churchwardens and Overeers of the Poor a Power, with the Conent of two Jutices, or of one, if no more Jutices hall be within their Limits, to et up and occupy any Trade for the etting the Poor to work.

The Power of relieving the impotent Poor (i.e. of ditributing the public Money) the only one which hath much exercied the Minds of the Parih Officers, the Legilature eems to think rather wanted retraining than enlarging; accordingly, in the Reign of King William they made an Act to limit the Power of the Officers in this Repect. As the Act contains the Sene of Parliament of the horrid Abue of the Statute of Elizabeth, I will trancribe Part of a Paragraph from it verbatim.

'And whereas many Inconveniences do daily arie in Cities, Towns Corporate, and Parihes, where the Inhabitants are very numerous by Reaon of the unlimited Power of the Churchwardens and Overeers of the Poor, who do frequently upon frivolous Pretences (but chiefly for their own private Ends) give Relief to what Perons and Number they think fit, and uch Perons being entered into the Collection Bill, do become after that a great Charge to the Parih, nowithtanding the Occaion or Pretence of their Collection oftentimes ceaes, by which Means the Rates for the Poor are daily increaed, contrary to the true Intent of a Statute made in the 43d Year of the Reign of her Majety Queen Elizabeth, intitled, An Act for the Relief of the Poor; for remedying of which, the Statute enacts that for the future, a Book hall be provided and kept in every Parih (at the Charge of the ame Parih) wherein the Names of all Perons receiving Collection, &c. hall be regitered, with the Day and Year of their firt receiving it. This Book to be yearly, or oftener, viewed by the Parihioners, and the Names of the Perons who receive Collection hall be called over, and the Reaon of the receiving it examined, and a new Lift made; and no other Peron is allowed to receive Collection but by Order of a Jutice of the Peace, &c. except in cae of petilential Dieaes or Small Pox .'

The 8th and 9th of the ame King, reciting the Fear of the Legilature, that the Money raied only for the Relief of uch as are as well impotent as poor, hould be miapplied and conumed by the idle, turdy, and diorderly Beggars, 'enacts that every Peron, his Wife, Children, &c. who hall receive Relief from the Parih hall wear a Badge marked with the Letter P, &c. in Default of which, a Jutice of Peace may order the Relief of uch Perons to be abridged, uspended, or withdrawn, or may commit them for 21 Days to the Houe of Correction, there to be kept to hard Labour. And every Churchwarden or Overeer who relieves any one without uch a Badge, being convicted before one Jutice, forfeits 20s.'

Whether the Jutices made an ill Ue of the Power given them by the Statute of the 3d and 4th of King William, I will not determine; but the Parliament thought proper afterwards to abridge it; for by the 9th of George I. the Jutices are forbidden 'to make any Order for the Relief of a poor Peron, 'till Oath is firt made of a reaonable Caue; and that Application hath been made to the Parihioners at the Vetry, or to two Officers, and that Relief hath been refued. Nor can the Jutice then give his Order, till he hath ummoned the Overeers to hew caue why Relief hould not be given.'

By the ame Statute, 'Thoe Perons to whom the Jutices order Relief, are to be regitered in the Parih Books, as long only as the Caue of the Relief continues. Nor hall any Parih Officer be allowed any Money given to the unregitered Poor, unles on the mot emergent Occaion. The Penalty for charging uch Money to the Parih Account is 5l. The Conviction is to be before two Jutices.'

Latly, That the Parih may in all posible Caes be relieved from the Burden of the Poor, whereas the Statute of Elizabeth obliges the Father, Mother, &c. and Children, if able, to relieve their poor Children and Parents; o, by the 5th of George I. it is provided, 'That where any Wife or Child hall be left by the Huband or Parents a Charge to any Parih, the Churchwardens or Overeers may, by the Order of two Jutices, eize o much of the Goods and Chattels, and receive o much of the annual Rents and Profits of the Lands and Tenements of uch Huband or Parent, as the Jutices hall order, towards the Dicharge of the Parih; and the Sesions may empower the Churchwardens and Overeers, to dipoe thereof, for the providing for the Wife and bringing up the Children, &c.'

Such is the Law that relates immediately to the Maintenance of the impotent Poor; a Law o very ample in its Proviion, o trongly fortified with enforcing Powers, and o cautiouly limited with all proper Retraints, that, at firt Sight, it appears ufficiently adequate to every purpoe for which it was intended, but Experience hath convinced us of the contrary.

And here I am well aware of the delicate Dilemma to which I may eem reduced; ince how hall I preume to uppoe any Defects in a Law, which the Legilature eems to have laboured with uch incesant Diligence? But I am not abolutely driven to this diagreeable Necesity, as the Fault may o fairly be imputed to the Non-execution of the Law; and indeed to the ill Execution of the Statute of Elizabeth, my Lord Chief Jutice Hale chiefly imputes the imperfect Proviion for the Poor in his Time.

Sir Joiah Child, it is true, peaks more boldly, and charges the Defects on the Laws themelves: One general Poition, however, which he lays down, That there never was a good Law made, that was not well executed, is urely very quetionable. So therefore mut be his Opinion, if founded on that Maxim; and this Opinion, perhaps, he would have changed, had he lived to ee the later Contitutions on this Head.

But whatever Defects there may be in the Laws, or in the Execution of them, I much doubt whether either of thee great Men hath found the Means of curing them. And this I am the more forward to ay, as the Legilature, by a total Neglect of both their Schemes, eem to give ufficient Countenance to my Asertion.

In a Matter then of o much Difficulty, as well as o great Importance, how hall I venture to deliver my own Opinion? Such, indeed, is the Difficulty and Importance of this Quetion, that Sir Joiah Child thinks, if a whole Sesion of Parliament were employed on this ingle Concern, it would be Time pent as much to the Glory of God, and Good of this Nation, as in any thing that noble and worthy Patriots of their Country can be engaged in.

However, under the Protection of the candid, and with Deference to the learned Reader, I will enter on this Subject, in which, I think, I may with Modety ay, I have had ome Experience; and in which I can with Truth declare, I have employed no little Time. If any Gentleman, who hath had more Experience, hath more duly conidered the Matter, or whoe uperior Abilities enable him to form a better Judgment, hall think proper to improve my Endeavours, he hath my ready Conent. Provided the End be effected, I hall be contented with the Honour of my Share (however inconiderable) in the Means. Nay, hould my Labours be attended only with Neglect and Contempt, I think I have learned (for I am a pretty good Hitorian) to bear uch Mifortunes without much Repining.

By, then, I undertand uch Perons as have no Etate of their own to upport them, without Indutry; nor any Profesion or Trade, by which, with Indutry, they may be capable of gaining a comfortable Subistence.

This Clas of the People may be conidered under thee three Diviions:

Firt, Such Poor as are unable to work.

2dly, Such as are able and willing to work.

3dly, Such as are able to work, but not willing.

As to the Firt of thee, they are but few. An utter Incapacity to work mut arie from ome Defect, occaioned either by Nature or Accident. Natural Incapacities are greatly the mot (perhaps the only) coniderable ones; for as to accidental Maims, how very rarely do they happen, and, I mut add, how very nobly are they provided for, when they do happen! Again, as to natural Incapacities, they are but few, unles thoe two general Circumtances, one of which mut, and the other may befal all Men; I mean, the Extremes of Youth and Age: for, beides thee, the Number of Perons who really labour under an utter Incapacity of Work, will, on a jut Inpection, be found o trifling, that two of the London Hopitals might contain them all. The Reader will be pleaed to oberve, I ay of thoe who really labour, &c. for he is much deceived, who computes the Number of Objects in the Nation, from the great Number which he daily ees in the Streets of London. Among whom I myelf have dicovered ome notorious Cheats, and my good Friend Mr. Welch, the worthy High Contable of Holborn Diviion, many more. Nothing, as I have been well informed, is more common among thee Wretches, than for the Lame, when provoked, to ue their Crutches as Weapons intead of Supporters; and for the Blind, they hould hear the Beadle at their Heels, to outrun the Dogs which guided them before. As to Dieaes to which Human Nature is univerally liable, they ometimes (though very rarely; for Health is the happy Portion of Poverty) befal the Poor; and at all uch Times they are certainly Objects of Charity, and entitled by the Law of God to Relief from the Rich.

Upon the whole, this firt Clas of the Poor is o truly inconiderable in Number, and to provide for them in the mot ample and liberal Manner would be o very eay to the Public; to upport and cherih them, and to relieve their Wants, is a Duty o poitively commanded by our Saviour, and is withal o agreeable and delightful in itelf, affording the mot deirable Object to the trong Pasion of Pity; nay, and in the Opinion of ome, to Pride and Vanity alo; that I am firmly peruaded it might be afely left to voluntary Charity, unenforced by any compulive Law. And if any Man will profes o little Knowledge of Human Nature, and o mean and unjut an Opinion of the Chritianity, I might ay the Humanity, of his Country, as to affect a contrary Opinion, notwithtanding all I have aid, let him anwer the following Intance, which may be called an Argument à poteriori, for the Truth of my Asertion. Such, I think, is the preent Bounty to Beggars; for, at a Time when every Man knows the vat Tax which is raied for the Support of the Poor, and when all Men of Property mut feel their Contributions to this Tax, Mankind are o forward to relieve the Appearance of Ditres in their Fellow-creatures, that every Beggar, who can but moderately well peronate Miery, is ure to find Relief and Encouragement; and this, though the Giver mut have great Reaon to doubt the Reality of the Ditres, and when he can carce be ignorant that his Bounty is illegal, and that he is encouraging a Nuiance. What then mut be the Cae, when there hould be no uch Tax, nor any uch Contribution; and when, by relieving a known and certain Object of Charity, every good Man mut be asured, that he is not only doing an Act which the Law allows, but which Chritianity and Humanity too exact of him?

However, if there be any Peron who is yet unwilling to trut the Poor to voluntary Charity, or if it hould be objected, that there is no Reaon to lay the whole Burden on the worthier Part of Mankind, and to excue the covetous Rich; and that a Tax is therefore necesary to force open the Pures of thee latter; let there be a Tax then, and a very inconiderable one would effectually upply the Purpoe.

I come now to conider the econd Clas. Thee are in Reaon, tho' not in Fact, equally Objects of the Regard of the compasionate Man, and much more worthy the Care of the Politician; and yet, without his Care, they will be in a much wore Condition than the others: for they have none of thoe Incitements of Pity which fill the Pockets of the artful Beggar, and procure Relief for the Blind, the Lame, and other viible Objects of Compasion: Such therefore, without a Law, and without an honet and enible Execution of that Law, mut languih under, and often perih with Want. A melancholy and dreadful Reflection! and the more o, as they are capable of being made not only happy in themelves, but highly ueful to the Service of the Community.

To provide for thee, eems, as I have aid, to have been the chief Deign of the Statute of Elizabeth, as well as of everal Laws enacted ince; and that this Deign hath hitherto failed, may posibly have arien from one ingle Mitake, but a Mitake which mut be fatal, as it is an Error in the firt Concoction. The Mitake I point at is, that the Legilature have left the whole Work to the Overeers. They have rather told them what they are to do (viz. to employ the indutrious Poor) than how they hall do it. It is true, the original Act directs them, by a parochial Tax, to raie a convenient Stock of Flax, Hemp, Wool, Thread, Iron, and other Ware and Stuff, to et the Poor to Work. A Direction o general and imperfect, that it can be no Wonder, conidering what ort of Men the Overeers of the Poor have been, that it hould never have been carried into Execution.

To ay the Truth, this Affair of finding an univeral Employment for the indutrious Poor, is of great Difficulty, and requires Talents not very bountifully cattered by Nature among the whole human Species. And yet difficult as it is, it is not I hope impracticable, eeing that it is of uch infinite Concern to the Good of the Community. Hands for the Work are already uppoed, and urely Trade and Manufacture are not come to o low an Ebb, that we hould not be able to find Work for the Hands. The Method of adapting only eems to be wanting. And though this may not be eay to dicover, it is a Tak urely not above the Reach of the Britih Parliament, when they hall think proper to apply themelves to it. Nor will it, I hope, be contrued Preumption in me to ay, that I have myelf thought of a Plan for this Purpoe, which I am ready to produce, when I hall have any Reaon to ee the leat Glimpe of Hope, that my Labour in drawing it out at Length would not be abolutely and certainly thrown away.

The lat, and much the mot numerous Clas of Poor, are thoe who are able to work, and not willing. This likewie hath fallen under the Eye of the Legilature, and Proviions have been made concerning it; which, if in themelves efficacious, have at leat failed of producing any good Effect, from a total Neglect in the Execution.

By the 43d Eliz. the Churchwardens and Overeers, or greater Part of them, with the Conent of two Jutices, hall take Order for the etting to Work the Children of all uch Parents as they hall think not able to maintain them; as alo, all uch married, or unmarried Perons, as hall have no Means to maintain themelves, nor any ordinary Trade or Calling whereby to get their Living.

Beides this Power of compelling the Poor to work, the Legilature hath likewie compelled them to become, 1. Apprentices, and, 2d. Servants. We have already een the Power of the Overeers, with the Asitance of the Jutices, to put poor Children Apprentices; and likewie to oblige their Maters to receive them. And long before, a Compulion was enacted on poor Perons to become Apprentices; o that any Houholder, having and uing half a Ploughland in Tillage, may compel any poor Peron under twenty-one and unmarried, to erve as an Apprentice in Hubandry, or in any other Kind of Art, Mytery, or Science (before expresed in the Act :) and if uch Peron, being o required, refue to become an Apprentice, one Jutice of Peace may compel him, or commit him to Prion, there to remain till he will be bound.

2dly, The Poor are obliged to become Servants.

By the 5th of Eliz. it is enacted, 'That every Peron being unmarried, and every other Peron under the Age of 30, who hath been brought up in any of the Sciences, &c. of Clothiers, Woollen Cloth Weavers, Tuckers, Fullers, Clothworkers, Shearmen, Dyers, Hoiers, Taylors, Shoemakers, Tanners, Pewterers, Bakers, Brewers, Glovers, Cutlers, Smiths, Farriers, Curriers, Sadlers, Spurriers, Turners, Tappers, Hatmakers or Feltmakers, Butchers, Cooks, or Millers, or who hath exercied any of thee Trades by the Space of three Years or more; and not having in Lands, Rents, &c. an Etate of 40s. clear yearly Value, Freehold, nor being worth in Goods 10l. and o allowed by two Jutices of the County, where he hath mot commonly inhabited, or by the Mayor, &c. nor being retained with any Peron in Hubandry, nor retained in any of the above Sciences, or in any other Art or Science; nor lawfully retained in Houhold, or in any Office, with any Nobleman, Gentleman, or others; nor having a convenient Farm, or other Holding, in Tillage, whereupon he may lawfully employ his Labour, during the Time that he hall continue unmarried, or under the Age of Thirty, upon Requet made by any Peron uing the Art of Mytery, wherein the Peron o required hath been exercied as aforeaid, hall be retained.

'And every Peron between the Age of Twelve and Sixty, not being lawfully retained in the everal Services mentioned in the Statute, nor being a Gentleman born, or a Scholar in either Univerity or in any School, nor having an Etate of Freehold, of 40s. per Annum Value, nor being worth in Goods 10l. nor being Heir to 10l. per Annum, or 40l. in Goods; nor being a necesary or convenient Servant lawfully retained; nor having a convenient Farm or Holding, nor otherwie lawfully retained, hall be compelled to be retained to erve in Hubandry, by the Year, with any Peron uing Hubandry within the ame Shire.

'Every uch Peron refuing to erve upon Requet, or covenanting to erve, and not erving; or departing from this Service before the End of his Term, unles for ome reaonable Caue to be allowed before a Jutice of the Peace, Mayor, &c. or departing at the End of his Term without a Quarter's Warning given before two Witneses, may be committed by two Jutices of the Peace to Prion, there to remain without Bail or Mainprize, till he hall become bound to his Mater, &c. to erve, &c. .

'Nor hall any Mater in any of the Arts and Sciences aforeaid, retain a Servant for les than a Year ; nor hall any Mater put away a Servant retained by this Act within his Term, nor at the End of the Term without a Quarter's Warning, under the Penalty of 40s.

'Artificers, &c. are compellable by a Jutice of the Peace, or the Contable or other Head Officer of a Townhip, to erve in the Time of Hay or Corn Harvet. The Penalty of Diobedience is Imprionment in the Stocks by the Space of two Days and one Night.

'Women between the Age of 12 and 40, may be obliged, by two Jutices, to enter into Service by the Year, Week, or Day; or may be committed quouque .'

The Legilature having thus appointed what Perons hall erve, have gone farther, and have directed a Method of acertaining how they hall erve: for which Ue principally is that excellent Contitution of 5 Elizabeth, 'That the Jutices of the Peace, with the Sheriff of the County, if he conveniently may, the Mayor, &c. in Towns Corporate, hall yearly within ix Weeks of Eater, asemble together, and, with the Asitance of uch dicreet Perons as they hall think proper to call to them, and repecting the Plenty or Scarcity of the Time, and other Circumtances, hall, within the Limits of their Commision, rate and appoint the Wages of Artificers, Labourers, &c. by the Year, Month, Week, or Day, with or without Meat and Drink.' Then the Statute enumerates everal Particulars, in the mot explicite Manner, and concludes with thee general Words: 'and for any other kind of reaonable Labour and Service.'

'Thee Rates are appointed to be engrosed in Parchment, and certified into Chancery, before the 12th Day of July; and before the firt Day of September, everal printed Proclamations, containing the Rates, and a Command to all Perons to oberve them, are to be ent to the Sheriff and Jutices, and to the Mayor, &c. Thee Proclamations are to be entered of Record with the Clerk of the Peace, to be fixed up in the Market-Towns, and to be publickly proclaimed in all the Markets till Michaelmas.

'And if any Peron, after the aid Proclamation hall be o ent down and publihed, hall, by any ecret Ways or Means, directly or indirectly retain or keep any Servant, Workman, or Labourer, or hall give any greater Wages, or other Commodity, contrary to the true Intent of the Statute, or contrary to the Rates asesed, he hall forfeit 5l. and be imprioned by the Space of ten Days.

'And every Peron who is retained, or takes any Wages contrary to the Statute, hall be imprioned 21 Days : And every uch Retainer, Promie, Gift and Payment, or Writing and Bond for that Purpoe, are made abolutely void.

'Every Jutice of Peace, or Chief Officer, who hall be abent at the Rating of Wages, unles the Jutices hall allow the reaonable Caue of his Abence, forfeits 10l. '

That this Statute may from time to time be carefully and diligently put in Execution, 'The Jutices are appointed to meet twice a Year, to make a pecial and diligent Enquiry of the Branches and Articles of this Statute, and of the good Execution of the ame, and everely to correct and punih any Defaults: for which Service they are allowed 5s. per Day .' No inconiderable Allowance at that Time!

But all this Care of the Legilature proved, it eems, ineffectual; for 40 Years after the making this Statute, we find the Parliament complaining, 'That the aid Act had not, according to the true Meaning thereof, been duly put in Execution; and that the Rates of Wages for poor Artificers, Labourers, and other Perons, had not been rated and proportioned according to the politic Intention of the aid Act .' A Neglect which eems to have been occaioned by ome Doubts raied in Wetminterhall, concerning the Perons who were the Subjects of this Law. For the clearing therefore and uch Doubt, this ubequent Statute gives the Jutices an expres Power 'to rate the Wages of any Labourers, Weavers, Spinters, and Workmen or Workwomen whatoever, either working by the Day, Week, Month, Year, or taking any Work at any Peron's Hands whatoever, to be done by the Great, or otherwie .'

And to render the Execution of this Law the more eay, the Statute of James I. enacts, 1. 'That in all Counties where General Sesions are kept in everal Diviions, the Rating Wages at uch repective General Sesions, hall be as effectual within the Diviion, as if they had been rated at the Grand General Sesion .'

2. The Method of certifying the Rates in Chancery appearing, I apprehend, too troubleome and tedious, 'uch Certificate is made no longer necesary, but the Rates being asesed and engrosed in Parchment, under the Hands and Seals of the Jutices, the Sheriff, or Chief Officer of Towns Corporate, may immediately proclaim the ame .'

And whereas Wool is the great Staple Commodity of this Kingdom, and the Woollen Trade its principal Manufacture, the Parliament have given particular Attention to the Wages of Artificers in this Trade.

For, 1. By the Statute of James I. 'No Clothier, being a Jutice of Peace in any Precinct or Liberty, hall be a Rater of Wages for any Artizan depending upon the making of Cloth.'

2. 'Clothiers not paying o much Wages to their Workmen or Workwomen, as are rated by the Jutices, forfeit 10s. for every Offence.

3. By a late Statute, 'All Perons any wie concerned in employing any Labourers in the Woollen Manufactory, are required to pay the full Wages or Price agreed on, in Money, and not in Goods, Truck, or otherwie; nor hall they make any Deductions from uch Wages or Price, on account of any Goods old or delivered previous to uch Agreement. And all uch Wages are to be levied, on Conviction, before two Jutices, by Ditres; and for Want of Ditres, the Party is to be committed for ix Months, or until full Satifaction is made to the Party complaining. Beides which the Clothier forfeits the Sum of 100l. '

By the ame Statute, 'All Contracts, By-Laws, &c. made in unlawful Clubs, by Perons brought up in, or exerciing the Art of a Wooll-comber or Weaver, for regulating the aid Trade, ettling the Prices of Goods, advancing Wages, or lesening the Hours of Work, are declared to be illegal and void; and any Peron concerned in the Woollen Manufactures, who hall knowingly be concerned in uch Contract, By-law, &c. or hall attempt to put it in Execution, hall, upon Conviction before two Jutices, uffer three Months Imprionment .'

But long before this Act, a general Law was made to punih all Conpiracies for raiing Wages, limiting Hours of Work, &c. among Artificers, Workmen, and Labourers; and if uch Conpiracy was to extend to a general Advance of Wages all over the Kingdom, any Inurrection of a Number of Perons, in Conequence of it, would be an overt Act o High Treaon.

From this curory View it appears, I think, that no Blame lies at the Door of the Legilature, which hath not only given the Magitrate, but even private Perons, with his Asitance, a Power of compelling the Poor to work; and, 2dly, hath allotted the fullet Powers, and precribed the mot effectual Means for acertaining and limiting the Price of their Labour.

But o very faulty and remis hath been the Execution of thee Laws, that an incredulous Reader may almot doubt whether there are really any uch exiting. Particularly as to that which relates to the rating the Wages of Labourers; a Law which at firt, it eems, was too carelesly executed, and which hath ince grown into utter Neglect and Diuse.

Hath this total Diuse arien, in common with the Neglect of other wholeome Proviions, from Want of due Attention to the Public Good? or is the Execution of this Law attended with any extraordinary Difficulty? or, latly, are we really grown, as Sir Joiah Child ays, wier than our Forefathers, and have dicovered any Fault in the Contitution itelf; and that to retrench the Price of Labour by a Law is an Error in Policy?

This lat eems to me, I own, to be very trange Doctrine, and omewhat of a Paradox in Politics; however, as it is the Sentiment of a truly wie and great Man, it deerves a fair Dicusion. Such I will endeavour to give it; ince no Man is more inclined to repect the Opinions of uch Perons, and as the Revival of the Law, which he oppoes, is, I think, abolutely necesary to the Purpoe I am contending for.

I will give the Pasage from Sir Joiah at length. It is in Anwer to this Poition, That the Dearnes of Wages poils the Englih Trade. 'Here, ays he, the Author propounds the making a Law to retrench the Hire of poor Mens Labour, (an honet charitable Project, and well becoming an Uurer!) The Anwer to this is eay. Firt, I affirm, and can prove, he is mitaken in Fact; for the Dutch, with whom we principally contend in Trade, give generally more Wages to all their Manufacturers, by at leat Twopence in the Shilling, than the Englih. Secondly, Wherever Wages are high, univerally throughout the whole World, 'tis an infallible Evidence of the Riches of that Country; and wherever Wages for Labour run low, it is a Proof of the Poverty of that Place. Thirdly, It is the Multitudes of People, and good Laws, uch as caue an Encreae of People, which principally enrich any Country; and if we retrench by Law the Labour of our People, we drive them from us to other Countries that give better Rates; and o the Dutch have drained us of our Seamen and Woollen Manufacturers, and we the French of their Artificers and Silk-manufacturers; and many more we hould, if our Laws otherwie gave them fitting Encouragement; of which more in due Place. Fourthly, If any particular Trades exact more here than in Holland, they are only uch as do it by virtue of Incorporations, Privileges, and Charters, of which the Cure is eay, by an Act of Naturalization, and without compulory Laws. It is true, our Great Grandfathers did exercie uch Policy, of endeavouring to retrench the Price of Labour by a Law (altho' they could never effect it;) but that was before Trade was introduced into this Kingdom; we are ince, with the ret of the Trading World, grown wier in this Matter, and I hope hall o continue .'

To this I reply, 1. That the making uch a Law is not only an honet, but a charitable Project; as it propoes, by retrenching the Price of poor Mens Labour, to provide Labour, and conequently Hire for all the Poor who are capable of Labour. In all Manufactures whatever, the lower the Price of Labour is, the cheaper will be the Price to the Conumer; and the cheaper this Price is, the greater will be the Conumption, and conequently the more Hands employed. This is likewie a very charitable law to the poor Farmer, and never more necesary than at this Day, when the Rents of Lands are rated to the highet Degree. The great Hopes which the Farmer hath, (indeed his common Relief from Ruin) is of an Exportation of Corn. This Exportation cannot be by Law, unles when the Corn is under uch a particular Price. How necesary then is it to him, that the Price of Labour hould be confined within moderate Bounds, that the Exportation of Corn, which is of uch general Advantage to the Kingdom, hould turn, in any coniderable manner, to his private Profit? And what Reaon is there to imagine, that this Power of limiting Wages hould be executed in any dihonet or uncharitable Manner? Is it not a Power entruted to all the Jutices of the County, or Diviion, and to the Sheriff, with the Asitance of grave, ober, and ubtantial perons, who mut be ufficient Judges of the Matter, and who are directed to have Regard to the Plenty and Scarcity of the Times? Is it to be uspected, that many Perons of this Kind hould unite in a cruel and flagitious Act, by which they would be liable to the Condemnation of their own Conciences, to the Cures of the Poor, and to be reproached by the Example of all their neighbouring Counties? Are not much groser Exorbitancies to be feared on the other Side, when the lowet Artificers, Hubandmen, and Labourers, are made Judges in their own Caue; and when it is left to their own Dicretion, to exact what Price they pleae for their Labour, of the poor Farmer or Clothier; of whom if they cannot exact an extravagant Price, they will fly to that Alternative which Idlenes often prefers, of Begging or Stealing? Latly, Such a Retraint is very wholeome to the poor Labourers themelves; of whom Sir Joiah oberves, 'that they live better in the dearet Countries for Proviions, than in the cheapet, and better in a dear Year than in a cheap, epecially in relation to the public Good; for, in a cheap Year, they will not work above two Days in a Week; their Humour being uch that they will not provide for a hard Time, but jut work o much, and no more, as may maintain them in that mean Condition to which they have been accutomed.' Is it not therefore, upon this Concesion, demontrable, that the poor Man himelf will live much better (his Family certainly will) by thee Means? Again, many of the Poor, and thoe the more honet and indutrious, will probably gain by uch a Law: for, at the ame time that the impudent and idle, if left to themelves, will certainly exact on their Maters; the modet, the humble, and truly laborious, may often (and o I doubt not but the Cae is) be oppresed by them, and forced to accept a lower Price for their Labour, than the Liberality of Gentlemen would allow them.

2dly, The two Asertions contained in the next Paragraph both eem to me uspicious. Firt, That the Dutch and other Nations have done all that in them lies, to draw from us our Seamen, and ome of our Manufacturers, is certainly true; and this they would do at any Price: but that the Dutch do in general give more Wages to their Manufacturers than the Englih, is, I believe, not he Fact. Of the Manufactures of Holland, the only coniderable Article which we ourelves take of them, except Linen, are Toys; and to this we are induced, not becaue the Dutch are uperior to our Workmen in Genius and Dexterity, (Points in which they are not greatly celebrated) but becaue they work much cheaper. Nor is, 2dly, The immediate Tranition from Trade to Manufacture altogether o fair. The Dutch, it is true, are principally our Rivals in Trade in general, and chiefly as Carries; but not o in Manufacture, particularly in the Woollen Manufacture. Here our chief Rivals are the French, amongt whom the Price of Labour is known to be coniderably lower than with us. To this, among other Caues, (for I know there are others, and ome very candalous ones) they owe their Succes over us in the Levant. It is indeed a Truth which needs no Comment nor Proof, that where Goods are of equal Value, the Man who fells cheapet will have the mot Cutom; and it is as certainly true, that the who makes up his Goods in the cheapet Manner, can ell them o.

3dly, Sir Joiah aserts, 'That wherever Wages are high univerally throughout the World, 'tis an infallible Evidence of the Riches of that Country; and wherever Wages for Labour run low, it is a Proof of the Poverty of that Place.'—If this be true, the Concesion will do him no Service; for it will not prove, that to give high Wages is the Way to grow rich; ince it is much more probable, that Riches hould caue the Advance of Wages, than that high Wages hould produce Riches. This latter, I am ure, would appear a high Solecim in private Life, and I believe it is no les o in public.

4thly, His next Asertion, That to retrench by Law the Labour of our People, is to drive them from us, hath partly received an Anwer already. To give this Argument any Force, our Wages mut be reduced at leat below the Standard of other Countries; which is, I think very little to be apprehended; but, on the contrary, if the Labourer hould carry his Demands ever o little higher, as may be reaonably expected, the Conumption of many Manufactures will not only be confined to our own People, but to a very few of thoe People.

Thus, I hope, I have given a full Anwer to this great Man, whom I cannot dimis, without oberving a manifet Mitake of the Quetion, which runs thro' all his Arguments; all that he advances concluding indeed only to the Quantum of Wages which hall be given for Labour. He eems rather to argue againt giving too little, than againt regulating what is to be given; o that his Arguments are more proper for the Conideration of the Jutices at their Meeting for ettling the Rates of Wages, than for the Conideration of the Legilature, in a Debate concerning the Expediency of the above Law. To evince the Expediency of which, I appeal to the concurrent Sene of Parliament in o many different Ages; for this is not only tetified expresly in the above Statutes of Elizabeth and James, but may be fairly implied from thoe of Edward VI. and George I. above recited.

I have moreover, I think, demontrated, 1. The Equity of this Law; and that it is as much for the Service of the Labourer as of his Mater. 2. The Utility of it to Trade: I hall only add, the Necesity of it, in order to execute the Intention of the Legilature, in compelling the Idle to work; for is it not the ame Thing to have the Liberty of working or not at your own Pleaure, and to have the abolute Nomination of the Price at which you will work? The Idlenes of the common People in this Town is, indeed, greatly to be attributed to this Liberty; mot of thee, if they cannot exact an exorbitant Price for their Labour, will remain idle. The Habit of exacting on their Superiors is grown univeral, and the very Porters expect to receive more for their Work than the Salaries of above Half the Officers of the Army amount to.

I conclude then, that this Law is necesary to be revived, (perhaps with ome Enlargements) and that till upon one Account more; which is, to enable the Magitrate clearly to ditinguih the Corrigible from the Incorrigible in Idlenes: for when the Price of Labour is once etablihed, all thoe Poor who hall refue to labour at that Price, even at the Command of a Magitrate, may properly be deemed incorrigibly idle.

For thee the Legilature have, by everal Acts of Parliament, provided a Punihment, by Commitment to Bridewell either for more or les Time: And a very evere Punihment this is, if being confirmed in Habits of Idlenes, and in every other vicious Habit, may be eteemed o.

Thee Houes are commonly called Houes of Correction, and the Legilature intended them certainly for Places of Correction of Idlenes at leat: for in many Acts, where Perons are ordered to be committed to Bridewell, it is added, There to be kept to hard Labour; nay, in the Statute of Jac. I. thee Houes of Correction are directed 'to be built with a convenient Backide adjoining, together with Mills, Turns, Cards, and uch like necesary Implements, to et Rogues and other idle People on Work.' Again, in the ame Statute, Authority is given to the Mater or Governor, 'to et to Work uch Rogues, Vagabonds, idle and diorderly Perons, as hall be brought or ent unto the aid Houe, (being able) while they hall continue in the aid Houe; and to punih them, by putting Fetters on them and by Whipping; nor are the aid Rogues, &c. to have any other Proviion than what they hall earn by their Labour.'

The Erection of thee Houes, as is uual with new Intitutions, did at firt greatly anwer the good Purpoes for which they were deigned, inomuch that my Lord Coke oberves, 'that upon the making of the Statute 39 Eliz. for the Erection of Houes of Correction, and a good Space after, whilt Jutices of Peace and other Officers were diligent and indutrious, there was not a Rogue to be een in any Part of England.' And again he prophecies, that 'from the Erection of thee Houes we hall have neither Beggar nor idle Peron in the Commonwealth .'

But this great Man was a much better Lawyer than he was a Prophet; for whatever thee Houes were deigned to be, or whatever they at firt were, the Fact is, that they are at preent in general, no other than Schools of Vice, Seminaries of Idlenes, and Common-shores of Natines and Dieae. As to the Power of Whipping, which the Act of James I. vets in the Governor, that, I believe, is very eldom ued, and perhaps when it is, not properly applied. And the Jutice in very few Intances (in none of Idlenes) hath any Power of ordering uch Punihment.

And with Regard to Work, the Intention of the Law is, I apprehend, as totally frutrated. Inomuch that they mut be very lazy Perons indeed who can eteem the Labour impoed in any of thee Houes as a Punihment. In ome, I am told, there is not any Proviion made for Work. In that of Middleex in particular, the Governor hat confesed to me that he hath had no Work to employ his Prioners, and hath urged as a Reaon, that having generally great Numbers of mot deperate Felons under his Charge, who, notwithtanding his utmot Care, will ometimes get acces to his other Prioners, he dares not trut thoe who are committed to hard Labour with any heavy or harp Intruments of Work, let they hould be converted into Weapons by the Felons.

What good Conequence then can arie from ending idle and diorderly Perons to a Place where they are neither to be corrected nor employed; and where with the Converation of many as bad, and ometimes wore than themelves, they are ure to be improved in the Knowledge, and confirmed in the Practice of Iniquity? Can it be conceived that uch Perons will not come out of thee Houes much more idle and diorderly than they went in? The Truth of this I have often experienced in the Behaviour of the Wretches brought before me; the mot impudent and flagitious of whom, have always been uch as have been before acquainted with the Dicipline of Bridewell: A Commitment to which Place, tho' it often caues great Horror and Lamentation in the Novice, is uually treated with Ridicule and Contempt by thoe who have already been there.

For this Reaon, I believe, many of the worthiet Magitrates have, to the utmot of their Power, declined a rigorous Execution of the Laws for the Punihment of Idlenes, thinking that a evere Reprimand might more probably work the Converion of uch Perons than the committing them to Bridewell. This I am ure may with great Certainty be concluded, that the milder Method is les liable to render what is bad wore, and to complete the Detruction of the Offender.

But this is a Way of acting, however worthy be the Motive, which is ometimes more jutifiable to a Man's own Concience, than it would be in the Court of King's Bench, which requires the Magitrate to execute the Laws entruted to his Care, and in the Manner which thoe Laws precribe. And beides the Indecency of hewing a Diregard to the Laws in being, nothing urely can be more improper than to uffer the Idlenes of the Poor, the Caue of o much Evil to the Society, to go entirely unpunihed.

And yet hould the Magitrate do his Duty as he is required, will the Intent and Purpoe of the Legilature be anwered? The Parliament was, indeed, too wie to punih Idlenes barely by Confinement. Labour is the true and proper Punihment of Idlenes, for the ame Reaon which the excellent Dr. Swift gives why Death is the proper Punihment of Cowardice. Where then is the Remedy? Is it to enforce the Execution of the Law as it now tands, and to reform the preent Conduct of the everal Bridewells? This would I believe be as difficult a Work as the cleaning the Augean Stables of old; and would require as extraordinary a Degree of Political, as that did of Natural Strength, to accomplih it. In Truth, the Cae here is the ame as with the Overeers before, the Trut is too great for the Perons on whom it devolves: And tho' thee Houes are, in ome Meaure, under the Inpection of the Jutices of Peace, yet this in the Statute is recommended in too general a Manner to their Care, to expect any good Fruits from it. As 'to the true and faithful Account which they are to yield to the Jutices, at the Sesions, of the Perons in their Cutody,' this is at preent little more than Matter of Form; nor can it be expected to be any other in the Hurry of a public Sesions, and when the Stench ariing from the Prioners is o intolerable, that it is difficult to get any Gentlemen to attend the Court at that Time. In the lat Vagrant Act indeed two Jutices are appointed twice, or oftener, every Year to examine into the State and Nature of Houes of Correction, &c. yet as it gives them no Power but of reporting to the Sesions, I believe it hath not produced any good Effect: For the Buines of the Sesions is o complicated and various, that it happens, as in all Caes where Men have too much to do, that they do little or nothing effectually. Perhaps, indeed if two or more Jutices of the Peace were appointed to meet once every Month at ome convenient Place, as near as posible to the Bridewell, there to ummon the Governor before them, to examine the Accounts of his Stock and Implements for Work, and to make uch Orders (under what Retrictions the Parliament hall think proper) as to uch Jutices hall eem requiite; this might afford a Palliative at leat. In hort, the great Cure for Idlenes is Labour; and this is its only proper Punihment; nor hould it ever be in the Power of the idle Peron to commute this Punihment for any other.

In the Reign of Edward VI. a mot evere Law, indeed, was made for the Punihment of Idlenes.—'If any Peron (says the Statute) hall bring to two Jutices of Peace any runagate Servant, or any other, which liveth idly and loiteringly by the Space of three Days, the aid Jutices hall caue the aid idle and loitering Servant or Vagabond to be marked with an hot Iron on the Breat with the Letter V, and adjudge him to be Slave to the ame Peron that brought and preented him, to have to him, his Executors and Asigns for two Years, who hall take the aid Slave and give him Bread, Water, or mall Drink, and refue Meat, and caue him to work by beating, chaining, or otherwie, in uch Work and Labour as he hall put him, be it never o vile. And if uch Slave abent himelf from his Mater within the Term, by the Space of fourteen Days, he hall be adjudged by two Jutices of the Peace to be marked on the Forehead or the Ball of the Cheek, with a hot Iron, with the Sign of an S, and hall be adjudged to be Slave to his aid Mater for ever; and if the aid Slave hall run away a econd Time he hall be adjudged a Felon.'

This Statute lived no longer than two Years, indeed it deerved no longer a Date; for it was cruel, uncontitutional, and rather reembling the cruel Temper of a Draco, than the mild Spirit of the Englih Law. But, et Modus; there is a Difference between making Men Slaves, and Felons, and compelling them to be Subjects; in hort, between throwing the Reins on the Neck of Idlenes, and riding it with Spurs of Iron.

Thus have I endeavoured to give the Reader a general Idea of the Laws which relate to this ingle Point of employing the Poor; and, as well as I am able to dicern of their Defects, and the Reaons of thoe Defects. I have likewie given ome Hints for the Cure, and have preumed to offer a Plan, which, in my humble Opinion, would effectually anwer every Purpoe deired.

But 'till this Plan hall be produced; or (which is more to be expected) 'till ome Man of greater Abilities, as well as of greater Authority, hall offer ome new Regulation for this Purpoe; omething, at leat, ought to be done to trengthen the Laws already made, and to enforce their Execution. The Matter is of the highet Concern; and imports us not only as we are good Men and good Chritians; but as we are good Englihmen. Since not only preerving the Poor from the highet Degrees of Wretchednes, but the making them ueful Subjects, is the Thing propoed; a Work, ays Sir Joiah Child, ''which would redound ome hundreds of thouands per Ann. to the public Advantage''. Latly, it is of the utmot Importance to that Point which is the Subject Matter of this Treatie, for which Reaon I have thought myelf obliged to give it a full Conideration. 'The Want of a due Proviion, ays Lord Hale, for Education and Relief of the Poor in a Way of Indutry, is that which fills the Goals with Malefactors, and fills the Kingdom with idle and unprofitable Perons that conume the Stock of the Kingdom without improving it, and that will daily increae, even to a Deolation in Time. And this Error in the firt Concoction is never remediable but by Gibbets and whipping.'

In erious Truth, if proper Care hould be taken to provide for the preent Poor, and to prevent their Encreae by laying ome effectual Retraints on the Extravagance of the lower Sort of People, the remaining part of this Treatie would be rendered of little Conequence; ince few Perons, I believe, have not made their Exit at Tyburn, who have not owed their Fate to ome of the Caues before mentioned. But as I am not too anguine in my Expectations on this Head, I hall now proceed to conider of ome Methods to obviate the Frequency of Robberies, which if les efficacious, are perhaps much eaier than thoe already propoed. And if we will not remove the Temptation, at leat we ought to take away all Encouragement to Robbery.