1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Denmark

DENMARK (see ). Since the incorporation of North Slesvig (1,496 sq. m.), returned to Denmark in 1920 according to the Treaty of Versailles, the area of Denmark proper is 16,958 sq. miles. About 75% of the area is occupied by cultivated land, about 10% by woods and plantations, while the rest, 15%, is either uncultivated or is used as gardens, building lots, roads, etc. Besides, the Faeroes (540 sq. m.) and Greenland (a little more than 770,000 sq. m.) belong to Denmark.

Political History.—After the Cabinet of J. C. Christensen—the formation of which in 1905 had led to a split in the ranks of its supporters, the Left Reform party separating from the Radical Left party—had been forced by the Alberti catastrophe to retire, a new Cabinet was formed by Niels Neergaard, a distinguished historian, as leader of the Moderate Left, with the support of the Moderate and Left Reform party (Oct. 12 1908). The problem of defence became the most prominent under this Cabinet, as the defence commission, which had been working since 1902, now reported. The members of the commission had not reached unanimity. The Socialists proposed disarmament; the Radicals wished the military to be replaced by a naval and police guard; while the Right proposed a material increase of military forces. The Government and its supporters in the Rigsdag were divided on the question of Copenhagen's land defences, and only after great confusion—new elections had not brought clearness—did the old leader of the Left, Count Holstein-Ledreborg, who had been away from active politics for years, succeed, as premier of a new Cabinet, in carrying through a new arrangement. The army and navy were enlarged; Copenhagen's naval defences were strengthened; and the land defences were to be dismantled not later than March 31 1922.

No party had a majority in the Folkething, and the Holstein Ministry was forced to retire in favour of a new Cabinet, formed by the Radicals with C. Th. Zahle, a barrister, as premier. This Cabinet could depend on support from the Socialists in the Rigsdag, though without thus acquiring a majority in either of the Houses. Under these conditions the Government announced its intention of postponing the introduction of the Radical programme. With the support of the Right it was able to secure a majority in favour of a proposal to prosecute the two ex-ministers, J. C. Christensen and Sigurd Berg, before the State Parliamentary Court, the Rigsret, for neglect of their ministerial duties in regard to Alberti (Mr. Christensen was acquitted and Mr. Berg sentenced to a fine). As the Government proposed a democratic amendment of the constitution and met with opposition, the Folkething was dissolved, and at the elections of May 20 1910 the Left, which was still divided on the defence problem, won half the seats. The two moderate Left groups now united into one party, the Left, and one of the old Moderate leaders, Klaus Berntsen, a former teacher in the peasant high schools, formed the new Cabinet on July 5 1910.

King Frederick VIII. died on May 14 1912 and was succeeded on the throne by his son, Christian X.

With the support of the Radicals and the Socialists the Government again raised the constitution problem in 1912, but because of opposition in the Upper House (Landsthing), where the Right controlled about one-half of the seats, no solution had been reached when the ordinary elections were held in May 1913. At these the Radical and Socialist parties gained control of 63 out of the 114 seats in the Folkething; Zahle formed the new Radical Cabinet. The constitution problem immediately became prominent, and the constitutional parties decided to let nothing divide them because of the importance of the issue; under these conditions the Socialists voted for the budget for the first time. The Right raised the most decided opposition against this united democracy; powerless in the Folkething, they undertook, by a policy of obstruction in the Landsthing, to check the further development of the case. As an answer to this the Government dissolved the Landsthing. The election results were: 29 supporters and 25 opponents of the constitutional amendment. Of the 12 members nominated by the Crown 9 were on the side of democracy, hence the Government was certain of a solid majority.

The outbreak of the war temporarily hindered the final solution of the constitution problem. It was with great anxiety for the future of their country that the Danish people experienced the fateful days of Aug. 1914. On Aug. 1 the Rigsdag passed a number of laws which the extraordinary conditions made necessary. The mobilization of the emergency army, numbering in all about 70,000 men, began on the same day. All political parties agreed in maintaining the neutrality of Denmark. An attack by Germany was especially feared. A difficult situation arose on Aug. 5 in consequence of an inquiry from Germany as to whether the Danish Government intended to block Danish waters with mines, an inquiry which could only mean that if Denmark refused Germany would lay the mines. The Government was uncertain as to Denmark's responsibility as a neutral Power, and only after great hesitation was it decided to lay the mines. With this Germany was satisfied, and England sanctioned the action in view of Denmark's precarious position.

It became apparent that the war situation might have serious effects upon Denmark's economic life. Accordingly the Rigsdag on Aug. 7 authorized the Home Secretary to regulate prices and to confiscate all goods on giving full compensation. A Price-Regulating Committee was established to advise the minister. Further the Secretary of Justice was given power to prohibit exports. The Government exercised these powers several times during the following months to secure the supply of food grains and for other purposes. As in military affairs, the Government adhered to the policy of keeping the warring nations always informed of the measures adopted, and in this way succeeded in establishing, with both sides, confidence in Denmark's desire for real neutrality, and an understanding of the importance of maintaining effective industries. This in time resulted in fixed agreements with Germany and England as to exports.

When the first anxiety was allayed the constitution problem was again taken up. As the opposition of the Right was declining, a result was reached without great difficulty and June 5 1915 the King signed the new constitution. This introduced equal suffrage in the elections for both Houses, men and women being entitled to vote under identical conditions; the voting age was fixed at 35 years for the Landsthing and was lowered successively from 30 to 25 years for the Folkething. Of the 140 members of the Folkething, 93 are elected in individual districts, 27 in greater Copenhagen according to proportional representation, and 23 supplementary seats are divided among the parties that have received too few representatives at the other polls in proportion to their number of votes. The Landsthing has 72 members, of which 54 are indirectly and proportionally elected in the large districts, while 18 are elected by the retiring Landsthing according to the same principles. In the case of a constitutional amendment a referendum must take place, and 45% of the eligible voters must vote for it to give it validity. The constitution came into force on April 21 1918.

Other important legislative Acts of the first years of the war, which were passed unanimously, were the Reform of the Administration of Justice (April 11 1916), which separated the administrative and judicial systems, and introduced oral proceedings and publicity—with trial by jury in criminal and political cases—and the Accident Insurance law (July 6 1916), which made it the duty of all employers to insure their employees. The privileged suffrage in elections to the Amtsraad (county councils) was abolished with the consent of all parties.

In the late summer of 1916 the comparative quiet which had marked political life since 1914 was succeeded by a bitter struggle. The cause was the announcement by the Government that it had concluded a treaty with the United States ceding the Danish West Indies to that country for $25,000,000. Both in the Rigsdag, whose ratification was essential, and outside strong feeling was aroused against the sale. The Left proposed a postponement till after the war or, if an immediate decision was necessary, the holding of fresh elections under the new constitution. The only solution of the crisis seemed to be new elections, but the King implored the party leaders to avoid such a situation, which would be a danger to the country. The result was a compromise: the Cabinet was supplemented by representatives of each of the political parties (Th. Stanning, the Socialist member, being the first member of the working classes to become a minister), and the sale of the islands was to be decided by the Rigsdag after a plebiscite of the people. At the polls (Dec. 14 1916) 283,670 votes were cast in favour and 158,157 against, and shortly afterwards the Rigsdag ratified the cession.

A contest of like character, but not nearly so far-reaching or bitter, arose in connexion with the rearrangement of the relation of Iceland to Denmark. With increasing force, Iceland demanded political independence and integrity. Despite the opposition of the Conservatives, the support of the other three parties sufficed to pass an Act of Union (Nov. 1918), in which Denmark acknowledged the independence of Iceland. The King is joint ruler of both countries and Denmark directs Iceland's foreign policy. The Act of Union is valid till 1940.

From 1917 onwards the unrestricted submarine warfare, combined with the stricter measures of the Entente, caused increasing difficulties in the economic life of Denmark. The Government, for whose economic policy the Home Secretary, Ove Rode, was primarily responsible, made further efforts, by means of maximum prices, export prohibition, and also by the rationing of certain articles, to create tolerable conditions for the people. It sought to mitigate the effects of the increase in prices by an extensive policy of relief; both the State and the communes rendered direct aid to those without means; public officials received increased pay until their salaries had undergone a thorough revision; and the unemployed, whose number rose to 70,000 in the winter of 1918-9, were given extra support. Through an increase of the succession, income and personal property taxes, and the introduction among others of ataxon exchange business, the Government tried to cover these and the greatly increased military expenses. In the five years of the war 1914-9, the expenditures of the Government were 156, 185, 251, 369, 616 million kr. respectively (in all 1,577 million kr.), and the total revenue for all five years 1,343 million kroner. The deficit was covered by loans. While the indirect taxes 1913-4 amounted to 55% and the direct to 28% of the total revenue, the figures of 1918-9 were 21% and 62% respectively. A radical anti-militaristic Government had from 1914-9 spent more than 500 million kr. on defence—more than all the Conservative war ministers together from 1865-1901.

After the spring of 1918 the elections could no longer be postponed. At the elections for the Folkething, when women voted for the first time (68% voted to the men's 84%), 72 supporters of the Government were elected, 39 Socialists and 33 Radicals, receiving 263,000 and 196,000 votes respectively; and 68 opponents, 45 Left and 23 Conservatives, receiving 273,000 and 168,000 votes respectively. The Landsthing was constituted as follows: 17 Conservatives, 26 Left, 13 Radicals and 15 Socialists.

At the time of the Armistice the old problems were viewed differently and new questions arose. The troops were quickly demobilized, the special defence works were razed, and on March 17 1920 a law was passed abolishing the land defence and artillery of Copenhagen. In 1919 the special military administration of justice had ceased. The Government's economic policy, which had caused some dissatisfaction, but as a whole had been supported by all parties, became the object of very strong criticism, as the Opposition thought it time to abrogate the war-time legislation in this respect. Instead of improving, the economic conditions became worse: small exports, the falling value of the Danish krone both at home and abroad, and numerous strikes, partly caused by the syndicalistic agitation, characterized the industrial and economic situation until near the close of 1920.

The Allied victory affected Denmark chiefly through the prospects of a reunion with the Danish part of Slesvig. On the same day—Oct. 23 1918—as the deputy of North Slesvig, H. P. Hanssen-Nörremolle, raised the demand of a renunion with the mother country in the German Reichstag, the Danish Rigsdag unanimously passed a resolution “that no other change in Slesvig's present position than an adjustment according to the principles of nationality would harmonize with the wishes, feelings and interests of the Danish people.” With reference to this and statements made by the leaders of the Danish population in North Slesvig, the Danish Government communicated its wishes to the Allies (Nov. 28 1918), so that, when the Peace Conference in Feb. 1919 reached the discussion of the Slesvig problem, a united Danish North Slesvig delegation was sent to Paris to present the Danish point of view: a plebiscite en bloc in North Slesvig (Zone 1), a community ballot in Central Slesvig and Flensburg (Zone 2), and voting rights to all those who were born in the voting districts. The Peace Treaty was presented to Germany on May 7. The fact that it contained a provision for a plebiscite in South Slesvig (Zone 3), and gave voting rights to natives of the districts without consideration of their present place of residence, caused considerable excitement in Denmark. This departure from the wishes of the Government and the Rigsdag was due to the influence of a small group of the Danish people who wished the Slesvig question to be solved from a legal and historic point of view. Representations to the Peace Conference by the Danish Government were successful in getting the article providing for a plebiscite in Zone 3 omitted from the Treaty.

On the coming into force of the Peace Treaty on Jan. 10 1920, an international commission, containing among others the ambassadors of England and France, Sir Charles Marling and M. Paul Claudel, took charge of the plebiscite district. The plebiscite in Zone 1 on Feb. 10 gave 75,431 (75%) votes for Denmark and 25,329 (25%) for Germany; even the doubtful Tönder Amt had a majority for Denmark of 59%. On March 14 Zone 3 gave 48,148 (79%) German and 13,029 (21%) Danish votes.

While the plebiscite results in Zone 1 satisfied Danish expectations, this was not the case with the results in Zone 2. In the last years before the war the Danish element had here been yielding in the national struggle, but there seemed to be plain evidence of a change of feeling, especially in Flensburg, during the agitation before the plebiscite. The disappointment over the result was great. The Zahle Ministry had for months been the object of the most vehement attacks, because of its cool attitude towards the national propaganda in Central Slesvig, and the assailants made it responsible for the poor result of the plebiscite. In certain circles it was still hoped to prevent the final union of Central Slesvig with Germany by the so-called “Internationalization” of Zone 2. A storm of indignation at the national attitude of the Government in connexion with its economic policy began in the weeks after the plebiscite. When the Government refused to order new elections, with reference to the necessity for a new electoral law, the King dismissed it. A Cabinet of non-politicians, formed by Liebe March 30 1920, took the responsibility for the King's action, which was regarded by the supporters of the dismissed Cabinet as unconstitutional, and had caused the threat of a general strike from the Socialists. During this “Easter crisis” Denmark was not, but may have looked as if it were, on

the verge of a revolution. The mediation of the city council of Copenhagen and others conciliated the Crown and the Socialists, and on April 5 a new Ministry, consisting chiefly of State officials, was appointed to formulate an electoral law and to order new elections. The new law was based on proportional representation in the county districts (Amtskredse), and the supplementary seats system was retained in a slightly altered form. At the Folkething elections (April 25 1920) the Left received 351,000 votes (49 seats), the Conservatives 201,000 (28),“Erhvervsparti” (trades party) 29,000 (4), against the Socialists' 300,000 (42), and the Radicals' 122,000 (17). Niels Neergaard formed the new Left Cabinet on May 5.

On July 7 1920 the international commission handed over the executive power in Zone 1, awarded to Denmark by the Allies, to the Danish Government. After the constitutional amendments necessitated by this expansion had been adopted, the Folkething elections were held on Sept. 21 1920. In these the people of North Slesvig took part, and the voting age was 25 years for the first time. The results were 412,000 votes cast for the Left (52 seats), 390,000 Socialists (48), 217,000 Conservatives (27), 147,000 Radicals (18), 27,000 “Erhvervsparti” (3), and 7,000 for the German candidates (1). The Left maintained the leadership, and the Neergaard Ministry continued.

The problems relating to the constitution and to defence, which formerly were of the greatest consequence, had during later years been thrown into the shade by social problems, and the political parties were in 1920-1 developing in an increasing degree as representing economical interests, and as attached to certain classes: thus the Left was supported by the farmers, the Radicals essentially by the small holders, the Socialists by the industrial labourers, and the Conservatives by the capitalists and the middle classes in the cities.

Literature.—Between 1910 and 1921 Danish literature lost by death several of its representatives already famous Karl Gjellerup (1857-1919), Herman Bang (1857-1912), Peter Nansen (1861-1918), Vilhelm Bergsoe (1835-1911), Sophus Bauditz (1850-1915), Troels Frederick Lund (1840-1921), Edvard Holm (1833-1915) and A. Fredericia (1849-1912). In 1917 Henrik Pontoppidan (b. 1857), the novelist, was awarded the Nobel prize.

While the older generation was still productive, either on the old lines or, as in the case of Karl Gjellerup, taking up new themes (classical, ancient Gothic, Indian), a good many young authors came to the front. Niels Möller (b. 1859) and Ludvig Holstein (b. 1864), in their few but elaborate poems, represented the scepticism and dark views of the 'eighties; Vigo Stuckenberg (1863-1905) and his friend Sophus Clausen belong essentially to the aesthetic renaissance; and partially this may also be said of Sophus Michaelis (b. 1865) and Edvard Blaumüller (1851-1911), although they have some features in common with the younger generation. All these were mostly lyric poets, but Stuckenberg and Michaelis had also written powerful novels.

The foremost younger lyrical poets were Valdemar Rördam (b. 1872; Selected Poems, 1918) and Helge Rode (b. 1870). Thor Lange (1851-1915), as well as Rördam and Möller, made many excellent translations of English and foreign poems. To the same school belong L. C. Nielsen (b. 1871; Cantatas, Children's Songs); Kai Hoffmann (b. 1874; The Town and the Sea, 1902; Selected Poems, 1916); Olaf Hansen (b. 1870; Selected Poems, 1918; Translations from Icelandic); Thoger Larsen (b. 1875; Selected Poems, 1917); Axel Juel (b. 1883). Of a more pessimistic and satirical type is Harald Bergstedt (b. 1877; Jack and Elsie, 1916 “a modern Adam Homo”).

Powerful novels were produced by Harald Kidde (1878-1918) and Johannes Buchholtz (b. 1882). Ever since the latter half of the 'nineties the provincial note had been strong in Danish literature, as represented by writers emanating from the farmhouses and workshops. Foremost stands Jakob Knudsen (1858-1917), son of a parson, and for a time himself a clergyman but

descending from and in the closest contact with Jutland peasants, a novelist of extraordinary power, but without artistic refinement. From Jutland also came Jeppe Aakjaer (b. 1866), a peasant's son and a peasant himself; his masterpieces are short stories and lyrical poems, but he has also written novels and historical essays. Johannes V. Jensen (b. 1873, son of a Jutland veterinary surgeon) has shown himself a master in his treatment of the Danish language (Prehistoric Novels, 1909-19, translations from Frank Norris and Whitman). From Fünen there is the novelist Morten Korch; from Zealand, Thorkild Gravlund (b. 1879), partly novelist, partly folklorist; Knud Hjortö (b. 1869), a prolific novelist; and from Bornholm, Martin Andersen Nexö (b. 1869), who had given pathetic pictures of the proletarians' lives. H. Bergstedt has manifested a satirical vein of some consideration.

The outstanding name in archaeology has been Sophus Müller (b. 1846, director of the National Museum till 1921). Ludvig Wimmer (1839-1920) was supreme as a runologist (Danish Runic Monuments, 1895-1908). Folklore has had eminent representatives in H. F. Feilberg (b. 1831; Jutlandic Dictionary, Danish Peasant Life), in Evald Fang Kristensen (b. 1843) and in Axel Olrik (1864-1917; Heroic Legends of Denmark; in English 1919). Celebrated linguists are Kristoffer Nyrop (b. 1858; Grammaire historique de la langue française i.-iv.), and Otto Jespersen (b. 1860; Progress in Language, 1894; Growth and Structure of the English Language, 1905; Modern English Grammar, 1900-14). The domestic culture of Scandinavia about 1600 was depicted by Troels Frederick Lund (Daily Life in Scandinavia, i.-xiv.), while Danish and foreign literatures were treated by Vilhelm Andersen (b. 1864) and Valdemar Vedel (b. 1865).